Today, some people are in opposition to the authorities, others "harshly criticize it" among themselves, while others take the position of tacitly sabotaging the decisions and laws made by the authorities. But the truth is that all these people are cheated. The deception consists in the fact that they are assured that something supposedly depends on those whom they consider to be the “current Russian power” and the Government of Russia, in the person of Putin and Medvedev. THIS IS THE CLEANEST ILLUSION! Neither Putin, nor Medvedev, nor other members of their ruling team, fundamentally decide anything in our country, and are not capable, without instructions from those who brought them to the Kremlin and appointed them to perform the functions of their official representatives, to perform any large-scale actions.
The people who actually control the situation in Russia have not lived in our country for a long time. They control us from abroad, and we DID NOT CHOOSE ANYONE OF THEM!

The people in question are the main "architects" of the current system of power in Russia. It was they, and no one else, who brought to the Kremlin those whom we today call “Putin's team”. After all, you must admit, there had to be someone so powerful and influential to “smear” Vladimir Vladimirovich from criminal liability in 1996. Putin was then Sobchak's deputy, and headed the commission on "licensing the export of non-ferrous metals."

Later, in 1998, two parliamentary inquiries were made regarding the initiation of a criminal case in connection with violation of the rules for licensing the export of precious metals. As many as two criminal cases on the facts of receiving a bribe for the illegal export of precious metals to Estonia, it turns out, then were initiated against Putin, but as he moved to power, and especially after his transfer to Pavel Brodin, these cases began to be closed. This fact looks especially gorgeous today, in connection with the total war declared by Putin himself against corruption in the structures of state power. Maybe someone thinks that such things can happen by themselves? No, of course not! There must, must have been someone so powerful and influential that things would be closed when necessary, and no deputies would rock the boat anymore.

Let's start the list of these "super-rulers" with the main figure, in our opinion. This is the former general of the USSR Foreign Intelligence Service, VLADIMIR VASILIEVICH SHTERN. It is this person who controls, and actually heads today the entire intelligence network of the SVR that remained after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989-1990. When the financing of the economic programs of this network was stopped in 1989, it was he who took real action to save this intelligence system from financial collapse, disintegration, and transferred it to self-financing. The network had investments in foreign banks, shipping companies, law firms and detective agencies. Companies such as APPLE, IBM, SHELL, etc.

Then, until 1989, General SHTERN headed the "European Department" in the SVR, and was responsible to the SVR for Western Europe. Together with him, hand in hand, worked his colleague, Lieutenant General of the GRU, OLEG NIKOLAEVICH KERDYSH. He headed the "Asia Division of the GRU" and was responsible to the GRU for the intelligence network operating in Asia. That is, the same intelligence network as STERN, but not in Europe, but in the Middle East. Today he occupies no less important place in WORLD INTELLGENCE than STERN. This organization led by these people is mainly engaged in the implementation of contacts between world intelligence services (such as MI5, MOSSAD, CIA, BND, etc.) and terrorist organizations (AL QAIDA, HAZBALLA, etc.), mafia structures (YAKUZA , TRIADA, KOZA NOSTRA, etc.) and Latin American drug lords.

The next of the listed figures in charge of the current Russian government is LEONID MAKSIMOVICH KAYDAROV. He is the chief expert of the "Department for International Relations" of the FSB of the Russian Federation. And he can also be considered one of those whom Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev are simply obliged to consider as their bosses.

Leonid Maksimovich has long lived in the city of San Francisco. It was he, and no one else, who headed in the early 90s a group for the search for the so-called "party gold". And he was doing this then, on the personal order of General SHTERN. And the main thing is that in 1996 he found this “gold”! All people who had anything to do with this "successful search" were subsequently destroyed. And today this "gold" works for STERN and his "WORLD INTELLEGENCE".

The next super-ruler is named PAVEL NIKOLAEVICH SAMOILOV. He is the general director of RossVooruzheniye for general issues... On the intelligence line, he oversees Latin America. He is, as they say, "a very big man", and a great friend of the current Prime Minister of Israel, Beneamin Netanyahu. When the operation against the Palestinians, called "Lead Rain" was carried out, it was he who came to the UN and said that "this operation will not be completed until it is brought to its logical conclusion." That is, until all the leaders of the Palestinian resistance, the HASAN missile launchers and underground passages from the Gaza Strip to Egypt are destroyed.

So, all these people brought Putin and his team to the Kremlin. All of them really manage any large-scale processes in our country. And this is still a very big question, whether Putin and Medvedev can decide for themselves whether to increase salaries for Russian teachers or not.

All of them make up a circle of like-minded people and business partners, and we could all be happy about their capabilities and the degree of influence if it were not for one circumstance that makes our position very unenviable, and the prospects are rather gloomy. For these people, the population of Russia is neither a "people", nor a "nation", nor "citizens of Great Russia." All of us are simply "mass" for them. Concepts such as "the interests of the individual", "the interests of the nation", "the interests of the Russian people" for them, absolutely do not mean anything. They consider their task not to protect the interests of our particular people, but, for example, to prevent the Third World War. Well, for solving such a problem, you, excuse me, but, as they say, all means are good.

As for Russia, having created over the years since the collapse of the "Soviet empire", within the Russian Federation, the same intelligence network similar to a foreign one, they believe that, in fact, they "took this country on lease." And today nothing is impossible for them in this territory.

They have recently demonstrated their ability to "create or eliminate" any political situation with the example of Greece. So, no laws of the Russian state apply to them, and they are not interested in any "future of our country" and its people. This is what is called the "supranational corporation", which is usually called "Putin and Co.", with one clarification that Mr. Putin and his people do not manage it independently, and they do not make any large-scale decisions. And therefore, to blame them for what is happening and continuing in Russia, "the collapse of the state", "the extinction of the population", and to address them with some kind of requests and demands, is in principle senseless. For the people on whom something really depends have not considered the people of Russia "their people" for a long time, and even more so, they do not need this people to "choose" them somewhere, or any it was, the power was delegated to them.

Roman Neumoev

https: //www.site/2018-05-07/kak_medvedev_sdelalsya_dlya_putina_nezamenimym_chelovekom_i_kogda_ego_vse_taki_zamenyat

"Nobody believes that he will be the successor"

How Medvedev became an indispensable person for Putin. And when will he be replaced

Dmitry Medvedev and Vladimir Putin at the inauguration of the President

Dmitry Medvedev's candidacy for the post of prime minister was proposed by President Vladimir Putin immediately after the inauguration ceremony. It is expected that on May 8, Medvedev will be approved by the lower house of parliament. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has already announced that it will vote against, but even if A Just Russia joins it, there will be no problems: Medvedev is the chairman of United Russia, which has a constitutional majority in parliament.

Putin's proposal cannot be called revolutionary: six months ago, analysts and insiders started talking that Medvedev, who served as head of government for the entire last 6-year term of Vladimir Putin, will remain in office. Oppositionist Alexei Navalny's film "He's Not Dimon for You", in which Medvedev was accused of corruption, did not shake the Prime Minister's position in this sense.

New composition and new manner of government

It is already known that at a closed meeting with the United Russia faction, Medvedev proposed a number of candidates for the posts of deputy prime ministers. The post of first deputy prime minister in charge of the economy will be given to Anton Siluanov, who previously held the post of finance minister, the social sphere from Olga Golodets will be transferred to Tatyana Golikova (now the head of the Accounts Chamber), and Golodets will be entrusted with culture and sports. Construction will be supervised by Vitaly Mutko, Dmitry Kozak will receive industry, Deputy Defense Minister Yuri Borisov will become Deputy Prime Minister for the defense-industrial complex, Deputy Prime Minister Maxim Akimov will be in charge of transport in the rank of Deputy Prime Minister, and the current Presidential Envoy to the Central Federal District Alexei Gordeev will be responsible for the agro-industrial complex. Konstantin Chuichenko, who headed the presidential control department, will become the head of the government apparatus with the rank of deputy prime minister. He will replace Sergei Prikhodko, who some time ago was disgraced by the alleged presence on the yacht of businessman Oleg Deripaska, where the escort girls were also present.

Arkady Dvorkovich, who is associated with the arrested billionaires by the Magomedov brothers, as well as Economic Deputy Prime Minister Igor Shuvalov, who was caught by the same Navalny in an excessively luxurious lifestyle a year ago, is not on the list of prospective deputy prime ministers and a figure close to Medvedev. Not on the list of candidates for Medvedev and Deputy Prime Ministers Alexander Khloponin, who oversaw the agro-industrial complex, and Yuri Trutnev, who oversaw the Far East in the status of plenipotentiary, as well as the "defense" Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin.

Kremlin.ru

On the sidelines in recent weeks, they are trying to guess the composition of the new government. For example, instead of the hated part of the public, Vladimir Medinsky, rumor is wooing Sergei Kapkov, the ex-head of the Moscow Department of Culture, with a rather liberal reputation, for the post of Minister of Culture. Another version is that Yelena Yampolskaya, the editor-in-chief of the Kultura newspaper, is fighting for this post. Sergei Shoigu will probably retain the post of defense minister (although there were rumors that some post in the government in the defense sphere would be offered to the governor of the Tula region, a native of the FSO, Alexei Dyumin, but apparently this will not happen). There is a lot of gossip about the fate of Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov: according to rumors, he himself would like to retire after the difficult years of foreign policy. However, it is possible that Lavrov will remain in office for a while, since Putin rarely engages in personnel reshuffles in key areas at the height of the crisis.

Interlocutors close to the presidential administration and the government agree that, in general, apart from the rotation of old figures, the trend will be to appoint people to the government who enjoy much less personal influence than their predecessors in the 2012-2018 government. The final shift of real powers is expected towards the presidential administration, in particular, the presidential aides in specialized areas, and towards the Security Council and the State Council. Also, the interlocutors point out that such a government in the event of an exacerbation of the economic crisis can easily be ritually “sacrificed”. In this regard, there is another factor in favor of Medvedev: there is no point in changing the prime minister just for the sake of changing him, because then someone else would have to carry out unpopular reforms. Among the expected reforms, which will not enjoy the support of the population, are an increase in the retirement age and a tax for the self-employed. If such reforms provoke a sharply negative reaction in society, the blame can be entirely blamed on the White House and dispensed with with demonstrative resignations.

"Will give way to the successor"

Gleb Kuznetsov, chairman of the council of the Expert Institute for Social Research (EISI), notes that Dmitry Medvedev, like all large leaders demanded by the system, works wherever he is sent and as expected of him.

“His work as prime minister was recognized as successful, and he is offered to continue it. In the case of our system, in which all real powers are shifted towards the president, the government can be non-technical only when it is headed by Putin himself. I would say that Medvedev always successfully copes with the work that is entrusted to him. When he was made the head of United Russia, many reacted to this with doubt, but under him the party is extremely successful in the elections. In my opinion, his main qualities are reliability and experience, which allowed him to receive a new nomination, ”says Kuznetsov.

The head of the Civil Society Development Fund, Konstantin Kostin, recalls that Medvedev worked in his post at a rather difficult time for Russia, and this temper any politician.

Government.ru

“I think that after 2014 the entire political elite has changed a lot, given that we have gone through pressure, sanctions, a change in the world order, and not even always realizing how much the world has changed. In this mode, solving economic issues, fulfilling social obligations is an important and serious experience. In addition, Medvedev had to, taking into account the interests of different groups lobbying for different approaches, to pursue a general line and not lose sight of the strategic objectives. In addition, there is also a factor of personal trust on the part of Vladimir Putin, and it is not for nothing that the term “tandem” once originated, ”Kostin notes.

Former deputy plenipotentiary in the Urals Federal District Andrei Kolyadin told Znak.com that in general Putin is reluctant to make total replacements and experiments in his inner circle, to which Medvedev, of course, belongs.

“For Putin, internal stability is important, and he also likes to work with people who are understandable to him. Medvedev entered Putin's inner circle even before moving from St. Petersburg to Moscow. When Putin [in 2008] made Medvedev president in his place, he took risks because a person with presidential status cannot but accept independent decisions, and after that he becomes independent in many issues. At the end of his presidential term, Medvedev was urged to go to the polls, but he did not agree, which became a guarantee for Putin that his own choice was correct. And now Medvedev, of course, remains a part of his inner circle. In addition to the trust factor, there are three more important points in favor of Medvedev. Firstly, he is a professional, and no matter how scolded he is, he knows the whole basis perfectly and holds all the threads of control in his hands. Secondly, Medvedev allows Putin to remain "Teflon": economic problems do not stick to him and do not affect the rating. Finally, the third factor - if a new person was appointed, then public opinion would automatically identify him as a new successor, some of the elites would defect to his side and a blow to the vertical of power would occur. No one believes that Medvedev will succeed. It seems to me that he is now in his place, and when it is necessary to prepare a new person for the post of head of state, he will give him this place - unless, of course, a serious constitutional reform takes place at all, ”says Kolyadin.

Faithful co-pilot

Dmitry Medvedev is a rather complex figure in Russian politics. During his presidency in 2008-2012, he clearly tried to please the liberal-minded part of society, saying "freedom is better than non-freedom", launching the Skolkovo project, demonstratively using gadgets, primarily the iPhone, showing his "human" hobbies - photography and etc. Medvedev also spoke about the need to overcome the consequences of Stalinism in Russia. Unlike Vladimir Putin, Medvedev does not hide his family, occasionally appearing at official events with his wife Svetlana. Medvedev's son Ilya starred in a couple of episodes of the Yeralash television project, and in 2012 entered the budgetary department of the International Law Faculty of MGIMO.

Vladimir Putin then temporarily moved from the presidency to the prime minister's chair, and in the near-Kremlin circles then they talked about a "tandem", emphasizing the unity of opinions and intentions of Putin and Medvedev.

In the second half of 2011, an aggravation occurred in the elites and society, as part of the public that did not support Vladimir Putin openly asked for a second term for “liberal” Dmitry Medvedev (such a letter signed by representatives of the intelligentsia even appeared in Novaya Gazeta). There were also behind-the-scenes intrigues. One of the brightest "victims" of that war was the head of the Foundation for Effective Politics, Gleb Pavlovsky, who for many years was one of the main consultants of the Kremlin, but fell into disgrace due to the fact that he was credited with promoting the idea of \u200b\u200ba "second term".

Kremlin.ru

On September 24, 2011, Medvedev and Putin announced at the United Russia electoral congress that there would be no second term: Putin would run for president, and Medvedev would head the government under him. Social media was filled with rage, and both Putin and Medvedev got it - for example, the hashtag # pathetic was launched.

It is believed that this particular castling was the reason for the growing public indignation already during the rigging of the 2011 State Duma elections, which eventually resulted in large-scale rallies on Bolotnaya Square and Sakharov Avenue.

Journalist Oleg Kashin shares his opinion that the fate of Medvedev after September 24, 2011 looks like a person was continuously and consistently broken, and everything was amicable - from the initiator of that castling to the authors of the film "He's not Dimon for you."

“Probably, following the results of these six and a half years, he became angrier. There are all sorts of rumors that he is vindictive and vindictive, perhaps this has increased in him. The main question is still - will there be in his life the opportunity to take revenge and remember everyone who offended him during these years. For some reason, it seems that yes, he will still have time, ”says Kashin.

As head of government, Medvedev did not show much subjectivity, and many Russians of a young age remember him no longer by the meme “freedom is better than non-freedom,” but by the phrase “there is no money, but you hold on,” said to Crimean pensioners, and to Navalny's film. It was Medvedev's government that took the 2014 counter-sanctions in response to Western sanctions. The Russian government imposed restrictions on its own citizens, banning the import of a number of products from Western countries, including food. Medvedev's new government will take new "retaliatory measures" and, in accordance with a decree signed by Vladimir Putin on his inauguration day, fight to increase the real incomes of citizens, against poverty and for Russia to become one of the five strongest economies in the world.

"The Deep Drama of the Shallow Man"

Political scientist Abbas Gallyamov believes that there are no special metamorphoses between Medvedev in 2012 and Medvedev in 2018.

“Having greatly lost in public opinion as a result of demonstrating his lack of personality in the course of the uncomplaining surrender of the presidential mandate to Putin, he never fully restored his position. Obviously, Medvedev is not the second person in the state, as his position suggests. There are many other equally influential people around Putin who resolve issues directly with the head of state. Quite often these issues relate to the spheres controlled by the government, but the government does not take part in their decision. A serious blow to Medvedev's positions was also struck by Navalny's investigation, which led to unexpectedly large-scale protests demanding the prime minister's resignation. Public opinion fixed the fact that they do not like the chairman of the government and want to get rid of him, ”says Gallyamov.

Publicist Ivan Davydov says that the topic of Medvedev's mutations is probably not even political, but literary.

Government.ru

“The deep drama of a shallow person, it seems to me, is hidden behind the“ castling ”of 2011. Historians of the future will tell their readers about its true reasons, and we can only guess. People who entered the “courtyard of the lesser sovereign,” as it was customary to say at that time, argued in private conversations that if not Medvedev himself, then many inside his inner circle hoped to the last that he would retain power. He tried to play his game, he was crushed and broken. How? Than? I did not see any intelligible answers, but, like all of us, I saw the result. There were some remnants of hope in him, apparently, at the beginning of the “snow revolution”, protests of late 2011 - early 2012, which his circle tried to interpret as just protests against “castling”, protests “for Medvedev”. But when Medvedev, together with the whole country, realized that Putin was not going to joke, the prime minister gave up all his own games. Further, his story is already understandable - this is the story of a constant demonstration of hyper loyalty and the gradual rejection of a hint of any independence, ”says Davydov.

“The liberals with whom he tried to flirt during his presidential term turned out to be traitors: they gladly spread investigations about the duck house, joke offensive jokes, do not see their own in it,” the publicist continues. - Putin's Chekists never saw anything of their own in him, one must somehow survive in this dangerous environment, so he is trying. He is a greater Putinist than Putin himself, any report he makes to the Duma is some kind of unrestrained song to Russia's success under the presidency. Now it is convenient: it does not decide anything, does not pretend to anything, if necessary, it will play the role of a lightning rod for popular discontent in the event of a serious worsening of the economic situation. Well, how much resentment he has and how much rancor, and what colors it will all sparkle if Medvedev suddenly gets to the real power - it's better not to think. Putin will seem like a liberal against the backdrop of the once progressive “president of hopes”, who has become the permanent prime minister of the current hopelessness, ”Davydov sums up.

Putin's Dangerous Game [Between the Rothschilds and the Rockefellers] Ford Eric

Who brought Putin to power?

Who brought Putin to power?

In 2009, when V.V. Putin is in power, the Russian news agency Novosti gave the following comment on the matter:

“Ten years ago, on August 9, 1999, the first President of Russia Boris Yeltsin, in a televised address to the nation, named the name of a man who“ is able to consolidate society and, relying on the broadest political forces, ensure the continuation of reforms in Russia ... This is the Secretary of the Security Council, Director of the FSB - Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin"".

The agency rightly noted that Yeltsin’s choice stunned many: Putin’s surname was not known to the general public either in Russia or abroad: “Even six months later, when he was already appointed acting president of the Russian Federation and was the favorite of the starting election race, he sounded at the Davos Forum the question “Who is mr. Putin? " confused the Russian delegation ”. Indeed, it was difficult to explain how an unknown official from St. Petersburg suddenly climbed the career ladder so quickly to the highest steps.

As many Russian researchers note, it is strange that a KGB lieutenant colonel who went into the reserve (for some unknown reason) gets a job at St. Petersburg University. Then, unexpectedly, as part of the development of the democratic scenario of the early 90s, he suddenly finds himself surrounded by A. Sobchak, the then leader of St. Petersburg democracy. Unbeknownst to the outsider, Putin becomes Sobchak's assistant, plays an important role in the mayor's office of the “northern capital”, connects the economy of St. Petersburg with Germany, in which Dresdner Bank plays an important role.

After Sobchak's failure in the 1996 elections, Putin, with the help of the "chief privatizer" of Russia, as Russians call Anatoly Chubais, and Pavel Borodin, the Kremlin's affairs manager, moved to Moscow, where he held the posts of Deputy Administrator of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, Head of the Control Department of the Presidential Administration , First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation. Interestingly, three days after Switzerland sent an arrest warrant for Pavel Borodin to Washington in 2001, the Bush administration invited Borodin to the inauguration. Is this not an indicator of real strength? Then, as if by magic, Putin quickly grows to the head of the KGB-FSB, which he became in 1998. From this chair, he soon moves to the chair of the country's prime minister. Finally, Boris Yeltsin - bypassing his own Constitution! - appoints him as his successor and transfers all power.

All this is more than strange: after all, Putin has no experience of working in any of the ministries, no experience of leadership in any economic sector, no political ties. And - into prime ministers. Or maybe there are political connections, only they are not visible, hidden? ..

These are the questions asked by Russian researchers of Putin's biography. These questions remain unanswered so far.

There was and there is no answer to another essential question concerning Vladimir Putin: why is it so hard for him to part with those members of his team who turned out to be bankrupt managers and caused rejection in society? Unwittingly, the suspicion creeps in that their connection with Putin is more significant than common political and commercial interests - or even family ties.

Here is a quote from one Russian source who wished to remain anonymous:

“For example, everyone is amazed at the unsinkability of A. Chubais. The man most hated in the Russian Federation is calmly going through the "retirement" of his patron B. Yeltsin. Remains with huge funds, heading RAO UES, he can dictate his power and will to almost any region. And powerful regions, the same Volga, Far-Eastern, Chernozem, North-West, with their developed state security structures, with deployed military units and riot police, with a developed industrial, transport, agricultural, trade infrastructure, with socio-political and scientific and technical potential - obey.

However, it is worth looking at the Chubais figure from the other side. It turns out that back in 1998 A. Chubais was invited to a meeting of the Bilderberg Club. No, he is not a full member, he was called, he was listened to, he was given instructions on what was expected of him.

After that A. Chubais is satisfied with a leading position in RAO UES, and V.V. Putin starts to skyrocket. Coincidence? Does not look like. In politics, coincidences are so rare that you shouldn't hope for them.

Several years pass. The course of events gives us new surprises. For example, V. Putin can dismiss the entire cabinet of ministers together with its leader M. Kasyanov. But he cannot dismiss A. Chubais. Or doesn't want to. Why would it be? Is it because the person who was only once invited to a meeting of the Bilderberg Group is covered by an invisible but impenetrable "roof"? And Putin is well aware of this "roof". "

On our own behalf, we add that it was after Anatoly Chubais's speech at the seminar on the global economy organized by the Trilateral Commission that the Commission adopted the following summary:

“The importance of involving Russia rests on two pillars: the possibilities for political and economic reforms in Russia and the deep interest of our countries in Russian foreign policy. Especially for Europe and North America, the direction of Russian foreign policy is the most important unpredictability in the evolution of international politics in the next decade ...

Having determined their choice in 1991, our countries have done too little so far to support political and economic reforms in Russia and the former Soviet republics ...

Russia can become a difficult partner in the future. If the Russian government acts in a manner that does not conform to democratic norms, Trilateral countries will be forced to respond critically, continuing to help reform advocates in Russia as such.

And if Russia does not turn to the path of development hostile to the West, the deep interest of our countries in this great power will facilitate the pursuit of the line outlined in this report. "

Let's continue quoting our Russian source:

“At one time the whole country laughed at the samples of speech of a certain Viktor Chernomyrdin, under B.N. Yeltsin who served as prime minister. Remember: we wanted the best, but it turned out as always.

Despite extreme illiteracy and personal meagerness, V.S. Chernomyrdin suddenly turned out to be one of the richest people on the planet, taking over Gazprom, a multi-billionaire with whom Al Gore also wanted to be friends.

For Americans, Al Gore is a former vice president under President Bill Clinton, a former presidential candidate who lost the election to George W. Bush in 2000. For people involved russian affairsAl Gore is primarily the son of Senator Gore. Senator Gore is a personal friend of Armand Hammer, a multimillionaire who did business with Soviet "leaders" from Lenin to Gorbachev inclusive.

Huge sums were laundered through the Hammers, which then went to the development of "national liberation movements" and "support of fraternal parties." The Mountain family, thus, has always had the most direct relation to politics in the USSR. But these same two families are extremely influential Freemasons in the United States.

The vague role of the so-called "Russian-American Commission" of Gore-Chernomyrdin was revealed by the notorious Lyndon La Rush, a multimillionaire who publishes his EIR magazine, describing everything he knows about the secret and undercover affairs of the world behind the scenes. When the American intelligence officers handed Al Gore the dossier on Chernomyrdin, he, after reading it, scribbled on top of "Bredyatina!" (in English "Bullshit!" - bull dung, sounds stronger) and forbade the CIA to continue their research. It turns out that that dossier indicated Chernomyrdin's connections with organized crime around the world.

It is well known that Sobchak was a member of many Masonic lodges and organizations (the Rotary Masonic Club, the Magisterium Masonic Lodge and the Greater Europe Masonic Lodge Association). His Freemasonry is not subject to any doubt.

After coming to power, Putin stopped the criminal investigation into the actions of Sobchak. And it was he, personally, who summoned his former patron back to the Russian Federation: Anatoly Alexandrovich, the danger has passed, we will be glad to see you at home. But, after returning to his homeland, A. Sobchak unexpectedly died of a heart attack. This also happens: he did not die in self-emigration, and the walls did not help in his hometown. Or did they help? ..

Widowed, his wife E. Narusova did not leave the political arena, did not disappear in the fog. On the contrary, she suddenly becomes ... a senator from Tuva, that is, she represents Tuva in the Federation Council. It doesn't matter from which people and which region you become a senator. We see the "main Chukchi" Abramovich, why not become a representative of the glorious Tuvan people Narusova? To live anyway in St. Petersburg and in Moscow! And it is clear that access to the power status was provided by a very influential person Narusova, not only very close to her late husband - V. Putin. "

So is it any wonder that persistent rumors circulate in Russia that Putin's advancement to the top, like the creation of his team, was inspired by some powerful forces? ..

If we talk about Freemasonry, then its revival in Russia began at the end of the 80s of the last century. In 1987-1989, the CIA is said to have created the Commonwealth of Russian Masons in Paris, which included about 100 people (according to other sources - 40 people from various obediences). Through this detachment, it was planned to stimulate the reconstruction of Masonic lodges on the territory of the Soviet Union for further introduction into the political system of Russia. The propaganda of Masonic ideas, according to sources in the special services, was carried out even through the radio station "Liberty".

The founders of the Commonwealth of Russian Freemasons (or the Russian Commonwealth) were Russian-born Masons: A.B.Borisov, Z.M. Yaffe, P.S.Koblik and others. The new Masonic group began to grow rapidly and soon united brothers and sisters of almost all French Masonic obediences - the Grand Lodge of France, the Grand National French Lodge, the Human Rights Union, the Grand East of France, the Grand Lodge of Women and others, not all of which were Russian by origin, but everyone knew Russian.

On April 27, 1991, a high-ranking delegation of the Grand Orient of France, which included the venerable master of the lodge L'Oeuvre Fraternel, a member of the editorial staff of the journal "Humanisme" historian A. Combes, retired colonel A. V. Lipsky and others, arrived in Moscow. The next day, April 28, 1991, in the Moscow region, the first lodge in many years on Russian soil was opened, which received the traditional name "North Star". In April 1992, under the jurisdiction of the Grand East of France, the Free Russia lodge was founded, on July 11, 1993, the Nine Muses and Northern Brothers lodges, and on June 12, 1994, in Arkhangelsk, the Polar Star lodge.

On June 11, 1993, the Moscow City Justice Department issued certificate No. 2743 on registration of the charter of the Great National Lodge public association. As its main goals, this organization proclaimed "the moral improvement of people, the development of the spiritual potential of the individual, the assertion of the ideals of peace, love and brotherhood in its practice." Thus, Freemasonry in Russia became a legal organization, and the Grand Lodge of Russia (VLR) was soon founded; it included five legally established symbolic workshops.

Today, the Grand Lodge of Russia includes twelve workshops. They include representatives of a wide variety of professions: military, businessmen, creative workers, teachers, doctors, employees - of all ages and all kinds of political convictions and religious views... An important traditional feature of the Grand Lodge of Russia is loyalty to the authorities: the first toast of all Masonic "feasts" is for the President of Russia.

VLR is said to be “sovereign and independent” and builds its activities on the principles of non-interference in politics and the religious sphere.

The composition of various Masonic lodges and close to them closed clubs includes (or was) a significant part of the political, economic and cultural elite of Russia. Members of Masonic lodges and club dwellers motivate their presence in them in different ways, but there is something in common that unites them: the desire to join power and show the public that this initiation is in the nature of initiation, initiation. Members of clubs and lodges go out into the light, as they consider, "dedicated", as a butterfly emerges from a cocoon transformed.

The social status that gives such "dedication" is, of course, very useful for the implementation of professional activity: it is for this that horizontal ties are formed, but this status also makes it possible to quickly move along the power vertical, that is, to form vertical ties. The recruiting capabilities of such structures should also be noted: these opportunities are very significant.

In addition, lodges and clubs provide excellent cover for the mechanism of influence on certain elite groups. For example, the Russia-2020 club, created on the initiative of Boris Gryzlov, a former speaker State Duma... Several posts of co-chairs were created in the club, and then presidential aide Igor Shuvalov, head of the presidential expert department Arkady Dvorkovich, and Boris Gryzlov became its members. The support of the club was announced by the deputy head of the presidential administration Vladislav Surkov. According to some reports, it was he who for some time was the informal leader of the "Club-2020". Dmitry Medvedev and Vladimir Putin took part in the club's activities. As part of the implementation of "Putin's Plan", the club's management announced cooperation with expert structures, for example, the RIO Center.

The International Diamond Club, a public organization uniting miners and dealers in precious metals, has considerable influence. The idea of \u200b\u200borganizing the club belongs to the specialized New York club. The largest associated structures of the International Club are clubs in New York, London, Tokyo, Tel Aviv and Moscow. Club members are linked by a system of personal recommendations and sureties. The conclusion of a deal in a club is usually confirmed by a handshake and a symbolic phrase.

Separately, it should be said about the activities of the "Order of the Eagle": according to some sources, the club is an analogue of the "Masonic lodge". It was formed in 1990-1991 as a result of the activities of the organizing committee, but it was finally formed and registered only on August 12, 1993. The founder and initiator of the creation of the "Order of the Eagle" club was the well-known gold miner and builder Vadim Tumanov in the early 1990s. The "Order of the Eagle" from the very beginning included the singer Joseph Kobzon, Yegor Gaidar, later Viktor Chernomyrdin, Gennady Seleznev. It is interesting that the Order acquired the status of an international association in a year.

The Order included, according to some sources, Anatoly Chubais, Yevgeny Primakov, Sergei Soloviev, Zurab Tsereteli, Yuri Yakutin, Valery Georgiev, Alla Pugacheva, Alexey Rybnikov, Lydia Fedoseeva-Shukshina, Vadim Gruzdov, Petr Nakhmanovich, Valery Neverov, Leon Alexander Smolensky, Israel Kremenetsky, Ivan Malofeev, Boris Sklarov, Vladimir Tsarev, Valery Tsatiashvili, Roman Gavrilov, Yuliy Gusman, Murad Kagov, Igor Lobovsky, Edward Chovushyan, Alexander Volkov, Alexander Ermishin, Peter Kpimuk, Georgy Kostin, Sergey Krikalev, Vasil Vasiliev , Vladimir Golovlev, Alexander Strekha, Anatoly Fomin, Valery Golovachev, Alexander Lebedev, Vladimir Melkonyan, Sergey Manogarov, Sergey Morozov, Martin Shakkum, Christian Kubinka, Frederic Kost, Simon Kaplan, Michael Gora, Bari Alibasov.

The collective members of the order were the Stolichny Bank, the Hermes Concern, the Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia, the Reform Fund, and the Indem Center.

The Order, according to the charter, “has settlement and other accounts in Russian as well as foreign banks, has a seal with its name, its own symbols” and “has the right on its own behalf to conclude contracts, make other transactions, acquire and alienate property, be a plaintiff and defendant ". The purpose of the Order was to promote its people to government and public posts, as well as create conditions for the placement of foreign investments. According to official data, the Order "was created in order to: facilitate the implementation of Russian and government economic and social programs ... by creating additional moral incentives and mobilizing the public."

A member of the Order "finds a social guarantee of his political capital ...". The Order pledges to "protect its members from the accidents and vicissitudes of social life."

So many politicians modern Russia are, according to the materials of independent research, in various Masonic lodges. At the same time, the question of ties with Vladimir Putin's freemasons remains open. Nikolai Smolentsev-Sobol (N. Smolentsev-Sobol, "Putin's Masonic Games", Russian-language library samlib.ru), who knows well the Masonic organizations, writes about this: "The press bypasses the issue of Putin's Freemasonry. Both left and right, and even ultra-patriotic. Whoever is closer to the Kremlin and the budget trough tries to follow the general line, every bend of it. The bolder ones occasionally remind of the KGB past of the President of the Russian Federation, but they don't particularly persist. There are the most desperate, they write about Putin's connection with the Jewish lobby. But on the subject of Freemasonry, GDP seems to be a "taboo"! There is no need to talk about the Western press.

This is not surprising. Masons know how to keep their secrets. Their goals are complete domination in society, the imposition of their own ideological doctrine, their own worldview. Through ideological domination, political and economic power is achieved, financial and material benefits are obtained, and simply - the comfortable existence of the highest levels, leadership.

The secrecy of the multi-level structure of the Masonic orders is due to these goals. They cannot do without secrecy. Open, non-secret social domination can cause unwanted resistance, criticism, even the same organized opposition. Latent domination scares, causes uncertainty, demoralizes potential opponents, prevents them from seeing problems, assessing their own strengths, overcoming shortcomings, finding the right solution. "

Meanwhile, Putin's fast-paced career in the late 1990s is, as already mentioned, somewhat perplexing. Nikolay Smolentsev-Sobol continues:

“The years of Putin's rule have shown that he is an extremely mediocre leader. Analysts and political scientists have the same idea: Putin is not doing what is expected of him and is not doing what is expected. At the same time, it would be nice if the results of this “unpredictability” were seen in improving the lives of Russians and the effectiveness of public administration.

No, the real results of Putin's rule are extremely low. Corruption of all state structures of the Russian Federation, as it was under Yeltsin, is almost one hundred percent, and keeps on the same 100%. Crime is on the rise. Material and income stratification is becoming catastrophic in the Russian Federation. Twenty percent of the total population is already chronically living outside poverty, with no hope of getting even to the poverty level. The poverty rate is another 40% of the population. But the official poverty level in the Russian Federation is the poverty level in Sudan, where large areas are gripped by hunger.

Neither the announced industrial growth nor trade growth reflects the real economic decline in the country. Middle class entrepreneurs in the Russian Federation did not appear. There are big thieves and schemers, there is a million-strong army of the state bureaucratic class, and these two categories of the population are interconnecting vessels, which they themselves brazenly declare. The so-called Yeltsin "reforms" under Putin only deepen the crisis and instill in the absolute majority of the citizens of the Russian Federation one hopelessness. Artificially contained inflation is gaining momentum again. Another was not foreseen, since the country's economy was terminally ill.

All of this suggests that the very “unpredictability” of Putin points to some kind of outside force behind him. Someone silently prompts, and if necessary, then dictates to him what to do - not in the interests of the population of the Russian Federation, but in their own interests ...

In other words, someone seemed to have determined at what place and level the Russian Federation should be in the world community, and Putin agreed. "

So did Vladimir Putin have connections with Masonic organizations (it is logical to assume that the liberal direction)? Let's continue citing the article by Nikolai Smolentsev-Sobol:

“Who helped Putin's career? They pointed to the so-called "family" - the criminal community that had formed around Yeltsin: T. Dyachenko, A. Chubais, V. Yumashev, P. Borodin. The very intellectual level of the "family" is questionable, although there is undoubtedly some very serious organization behind the "family". Stands in the shadows, not showing himself in any way in everyday life. But if necessary, this hidden organization works very effectively: let us recall the "release" from a Swiss prison of Pavel Borodin, the former head of the presidential administration. Let us also recall the confusion of Western jurisprudence before the "impressiveness" of such a figure as Mikhas. The result is the same - a hardened racketeer and crime released ...

As already mentioned, the press ignores the connections between Putin and his entourage with the Masonic structures by the press, hushed up, ignored. But this does not mean that these connections do not exist.

The whole story with the re-election of Anatoly Sobchak in 1996 becomes more interesting if we look at who took part in it. As you know, V. Yakovlev ran against A. Sobchak in the 1996 elections. He became the governor of St. Petersburg. And earlier V. Yakovlev and V. Putin were ... the closest assistants of A. Sobchak, his deputies.

So, the picture emerges as follows: A. Sobchak draws closer to himself - for reasons unknown to us! - two figures. One of them subsequently "wins" the elections and gives an order to start criminal prosecution of the loser Sobchak. Another ends up in the Kremlin and continues to grow at the speed of a young bamboo, as if Sobchak's fall was just a breeding ground for him.

What is characteristic: on June 20-21, 2001, the Grand Master Fred Kleinknecht, who has the 33rd degree of initiation, with his wife Jean, are on an official visit to St. Petersburg. Together with the Russian "brothers" Georgy Dergachev, Aleksey Koshmarov, Alexander Kodyakov, they are received by ... Governor V. Yakovlev himself. At the meeting, discussions are being held on purely organizational matters: contacts and ties between European and Russian Masons, the restoration of traditional interaction, the participation of Masons in the celebration of the 300th anniversary of St. Petersburg.

As Alexander Kondyakov later publicly admits, “Governor Yakovlev indicated that at one time he was very interested in Freemasonry and regards the Masonic Brotherhood as one of the most important factors in the development of world history…”. This is not enough, "Governor Yakovlev expressed his readiness to provide the necessary support in the process of establishing Freemasonry in his city, as well as throughout Russia ...".

A question arises that can be easily answered by someone who is familiar with the structure of power in the Russian Federation: is it easy for ordinary citizens Ivanov-Petrov-Sidorov to achieve a personal audience with the governor? But for the Freemasons Dergachev, Koshmarov, Kodyakov, who arrived with the Kleinknecht couple, it is not difficult. From what? Is it because members of the same order can easily meet with each other? At least in the governor's residence.

It is also known that V. Yakovlev and V. Putin, at least publicly, did not show sympathy for each other. On the contrary, after the defeat of Sobchak, Putin publicly called V. Yakovlev a “Judas”. The terminology itself shows a special kind of relationship between Sobchak, Putin and Yakovlev: it was a "teacher" and "students" (despite the fact that one went through a serious school of counterintelligence and intelligence, and the other - part-apparatus work). One of the "students" betrays his "teacher". Another immediately finds him a definition - "Judas".

All the more curious is the fact: immediately after meeting with the titled Freemasons on June 20-21, 2001, V. Yakovlev went to a meeting with Russian President Putin, who was just in St. Petersburg. Disagreements have been rejected and grievances forgotten - he is in a hurry to tell Putin about everything: who was, what he said, what achievements have been achieved. This is what Masonic discipline means when the personal is sacrificed to the public. It is clear that Putin represents a secret force directly related to the Freemasons. "

It is noteworthy that in these same years, the liberal Masonic lodges of Russia are experiencing a serious crisis. Only on June 30, 2007, after a series of new schisms within the Grand Lodge of Russia, the change of three great masters, a significant part of the members of the Grand Lodge of Russia united with the Russian regular Grand Lodge. Andrey Bogdanov was elected Grand Master of VLR. The latter practically did not hide his ties with the Putin administration, and even flaunted it.

The newly formed unified Masonic structure decided to form a new Grand Lodge. On October 11, 2008, at its Representative Assembly in St. Petersburg, the United Grand Lodge of Russia (OVLR) was finally formed and acquired its new Constitution and General Regulations. The Assembly was attended by delegations from the Grand Lodges on friendly terms with Russian Masonic lodges.

All this struggle, hidden from prying eyes, was accompanied by further reshuffles in the Russian ruling elite. Nikolay Smolentsev-Sobol writes:

“Chubais's group, supported by the Western elite, constantly clashed with a group of freemasons from among the former KGB officers. The latter, after Putin came to the presidency, was actively building up muscles and ... strengthening ties with the same Western Masonic elite.

One striking example. Of Putin's St. Petersburg team, Viktor Ivanov, nicknamed the "Kremlin Borman", draws attention to himself. A career KGB officer, Viktor Ivanov created the Blok and Borg firms together with Boris Gryzlov and Nikolai Patrushev. Familiar surnames? .. However, Viktor Ivanov chose a different path: in 1996-1998 he runs the Russian-American Teleplus CJSC, which organizes the broadcast of 30 satellite channels, including CNN and Euronews.

The American company Telcell, which owns 45% of the shares of CJSC Teleplus, is a subsidiary of the transnational American corporation Metromedia. This latter is handled by the famous media mogul Robert Wussler, who is Ted Turner's closest associate (which is why CNN is broadcast on Teleplus) - both influential US Freemasons.

Among Putin's inner circle was Mikhail Fradkov, who was appointed prime minister in 2004. Mikhail Fradkov has an excellent relationship with Pyotr Aven, his predecessor as Minister of Foreign Economic Relations (1992). This is the same Aven who floated to the surface from nowhere, together with E. Gaidar, A. Chubais, A. Shokhin, G. Popov, E. Yasin, J. Urinson. After the ministry, he was in the hands of the financial empire "Alfa Group". This is all well known. As well as the fact that Peter Aven is a fixed Mason, a member of the Interaction Club (1993), a member of the Rotary Club, that his ties with international Freemasonry are widespread and deep.

A special study published by EIR magazine in the late 90s describes how most of this "first call" was trained at the Institute for Economic Relations in the UK. This is not an ordinary institute, it is a special educational and research institution. It is founded by one of the most secret and most impenetrable Masonic lodges, called the Society of Mont Pelerin

Today "Mont Pelerin" unites about five hundred members. The congresses of the society are held once every two years, every time in another country. The place and time of the gatherings are highly classified. In 1983-1985, special training at the Institute of Economics of the "Society of Mon Pelerin" received: E. Gaidar, A. Chubais, V. Potanin, A. Shokhin, K. Kagalovsky, B. Fedorov (the one who will later become the Minister of Finance of the Russian Federation will leave resign and take a post in ... the Board of Directors of Gazprom), P. Aven, V. Mau, E. Yasin and others, later called by someone "professionals in power."

Let us add to this that the Mont Pelerin Masonic lodge from its inception was subsidized by British intelligence, was under its control and protectorate, carried out its special assignments ... ".

Nikolay Smolentsev-Sobol continues:

“It is significant that when he became the president of the Russian Federation for the first time, V. Putin recruited Andrei Illarionov to work as an adviser on economic issues. In the presidential team, he immediately received the status of "ultraliberal". Many a question arose: why does Putin need this ultraliberal? And few people could answer it distinctly and clearly. And the thing is that the economic adviser A. Illarionov took over contacts with the "Mon Pelerin" society.

Of course, neither Illarionov himself, let alone Putin, will talk about their communication with this Mondialist lodge. But the members of "Mon Pelerin" tell frankly about their meetings with Andrei Illarionov and contacts with Putin himself: this is part of their work. Something we can learn, for example, from the publications of José Pinheira, member of Mont Pelerin, co-chairman of the Cato Institute, about the meeting in Vancouver and about the exchange of gifts (books) with Putin in Moscow in 2000.

About Illarionov, the economic adviser to the President of the Russian Federation, Jose Pinheira, in particular, says: “Illarionov is a classical liberal belonging to the Economic Freedom Network, which is created from scientists who gather annually to prepare for the publication of the report“ Economic Freedom of the World "... I first met him in Vancouver at the congress of the" Mon Pelerin "society in September 1999, where we both gave presentations ...". It is already clear from the text that there were others behind the first meeting with Jose Pinheira.

Naive is the one who believes that A. Illarionov received the post of economic adviser to the President of the Russian Federation, and the president himself and his entire team - not by sleep or spirit, where this "ultraliberal" went and to whom he made reports. They knew and subsidized visits and participation at the expense of the state budget.

The Mon Pelerin Society was not slow to show its heartfelt interest in V. Putin himself: in early 2004, its influential members arrived in Moscow, and the President of the Russian Federation received them for four hours in a row, not otherwise than discussing the sore. Illarionov was the main organizer of this meeting.

A little later, on April 8-9, 2004, Putin was invited to a meeting of the lodge right in Moscow. Of course, the meeting of the lodge was called a "conference", but it was arranged ... by the same Cato Institute, one of the strong and all-pervading tentacles of the "Mon Pelerin" society. Putin made a report at a meeting of this lodge ... ".

In conclusion, Nikolai Smolentsev-Sobol writes:

“An ordinary person who is not familiar with Masonic quirks, with such an abundance of lodges, groups, associations, clubs, associations, and even when pronouncing such big names, can simply fall into a trance. Is it all the web of Freemasonry? Is Putin really weaving this web? Is there at least some kind of system in this weaving?

Of course there is. We'll leave ritual Freemasonry behind the scenes. That is, all these aprons, hammers and squares, gloves and swords, blindfolds and degrees of initiation. Ritual Freemasonry formed the basis of secret societies throughout the earth, but its time has passed.

The so-called "near-Mason" organizations, or, in another definition, "white Freemasonry", operate much more effectively. It is difficult to say why these secret and semi-secret groups are called "white freemasonry." It seems that more precisely this part of Freemasonry can be defined through real power. Because real power it belongs to them. It seems that it would be more accurate to call these structures "powerful Freemasonry."

The effectiveness of imperious Freemasonry is associated with the global coverage. That is why another, very appropriate name for this type of Freemasonry is mondialism (le monde - in French "peace"). Another important feature of overbearing Freemasonry is, of course, secrecy. Even possessing the world, powerful Masons never violate the secrecy of their organization.

For example, in the fall of 2003, V. Putin flew overseas, where, along with the protocol events, he took part in, so to speak, non-protocol events, for example, he visited Henry Kissinger at his residence. Several months pass, and now Henry Kissinger himself flies to Moscow. Putin gladly receives him at his residence.

In a TV report about the meeting, Henry Kissinger tells Putin: “When you visited me and tried one fish dish, you liked it so much that you expressed your wish to see the chef (!) And even take a picture with him. I brought you a photo of you with my chef! "

An indicative statement of one of the most influential powerful Masons of our era to the President of the Russian Federation. The phrase about the cook has a purely Masonic meaning. Of course, this is an allegory. In English to cook - not only to cook, cook, cook, but also to fabricate (document), concoct (history), produce something with exceptional energy and style, be very active and inspired ...

Undoubtedly, Henry Kissinger appreciated V. Putin's inspiration and energy, presenting him with a photo with his chef. There is no other way, this is the meaning of Masonic interaction, and in interaction - strength ...

We must not forget that in the era of post-industrialism, energy comes to the forefront of economic power. Gas, electricity, oil. In a word - the Pipe. Populations not needed to service the Pipe can die. Realizing this, the Freemasons in Russia transformed the entire structure of their "enterprise". That is why every year in the Russian Federation the population decline - up to eight hundred thousand people.

They themselves receive mansions and palaces on the French Riviera or in southern California, bank accounts in offshore zones, education of children in Oxford, Cambridge, Harvard, Stanford, Sorbonne, apartments on Park Avenue in New York, mansions on Rublevskoye Highway near Moscow , treatment in the best clinics in the world, holidays in exotic Hawaii and the Caribbean ...

The relationship between the West and the Russian power elite has undergone metamorphosis over time. But these metamorphoses do not affect the main thing: the constant adjustment of cooperation between the ruling elite of the Russian Federation and the Western mondialists. They lead the same party of the minuet, where everyone knows when to turn, when to step left or right, when to crouch or take a run.

The Masons' game continues. The winning prize is power in the country, slavish submission of one hundred and forty million people. "

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© "Vedomosti", 05.05.2012, Photo: RIA "Novosti", via yustas

"Putin's genius find" - Dmitry Medvedev, President of the Russian Federation

Maria Rozhkova, Irina Reznik

"An ingenious find Putin"- so with the light hand of one oligarch is now called Dmitry Medvedev... "Genius" - because Medvedev turned out to be a loyal partner in the tandem, kept his promise and played the role assigned to him. Many articles have already been written about what President Medvedev did and, moreover, did not do. "Vedomosti" decided to accompany the president by telling his acquaintances what kind of person he is

Medvedev. Putin's choice

When Vladimir Putin chose his successor, he really wanted to see at the head of the country a young progressive man with political ambitions, who would prove himself, - says the former official of the presidential administration. “Closer to the elections, they would sit down and decide who will continue to lead the country.” According to him, Putin began to carefully study Medvedev as a possible presidential candidate, when, after the departure of Alexander Voloshin, he headed the presidential administration. “The further appointment of Medvedev to the government [as first deputy prime minister] was a kind of test, which Medvedev passed successfully,” he adds. The other numerous interlocutors of Vedomosti are convinced that Putin did not choose the future political leader, but the "tenant of the throne." From this point of view, Medvedev had three important merits, says an entrepreneur familiar with him - the lack of his own team, the ability to keep his word and humility.

Putin became convinced that Medvedev is a man of his word when he worked in the presidential administration, and then in the government. This feature was very important, because Putin actually placed his fate in the hands of his successor. He formally had the authority to dismiss the head of the cabinet. It was important for Putin that Medvedev observes the agreement: you are the president, I am the prime minister, no initiative, important decisions in the country are made only if both are in favor.

By agreeing to take the presidency, Medvedev did not put forward counter conditions. Putin considered several candidates for this place: Sergei Naryshkin (then head of the government apparatus, deputy prime minister), Sergei Ivanov (then first deputy prime minister), Vladimir Yakunin (president of Russian Railways) and even Igor Shuvalov (then assistant to the president). Each of those who were encouraged by Putin, one way or another, began to put forward some counter conditions, asked about personal guarantees, and Medvedev was the only one who did not raise the topic “what will happen to me for this,” recalls the president's acquaintance.

During the years while Medvedev was president, many of his relatives friends and classmates received high appointments, moved up the career ladder. Alexander Gutsan is now the Deputy Prosecutor General, Valery Kozhokar is the Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs and the Head of the Investigative Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Nikolai Vinnichenko is the Presidential Plenipotentiary in the Urals Federal District, Anton Ivanov is the Chairman of the Supreme Arbitration Court, Konstantin Chuychenko is the Presidential Aide, Valeria Adamova is the Chairperson of the Arbitration Court Moscow, Alexander Konovalov - Minister of Justice. But they never became a close-knit team like Putin's. Between them, it is not that there was no friendship and mutual assistance, moreover, they did not behave in a coordinated manner, says an acquaintance of Medvedev.

Medvedev. Image

“Dmitry Anatolyevich always gave the impression of a completely new person. The fact that he was a teacher already served as a guarantee that he was able to talk with people, - says the leader of the LDPR Vladimir Zhirinovsky. - Immediately felt the education of Medvedev, high culture<...> It even looks inspiring, has its own appearance, manner of speaking, smile - we have never seen much anger. "

“I remember Medvedev as a president who communicates freely, without aplomb, without personal arrogance. He was, as they say, in Germany, a “you can touch” president, he could pat on the shoulder himself. I somehow got to a meeting with him, and I had problems with my voice, he looked sympathetically, asked where I caught a cold. I said that I came from Uzbekistan, and he answered that he was going there tomorrow, ”recalls Alexander Rahr, director of the Center. Berthold Beitz at the German Council for Foreign Policy. “He communicates easily and naturally. Young, dynamic, well and quickly orientated in the situation, as I observe him, - the former President of Kyrgyzstan Roza Otunbayeva shares her impressions. - My communication with him was business-like, friendly, he knew how to listen, promptly after the [political] crisis [in Kyrgyzstan] he resolved questions on the training of our officials. Every time we met him, he showed himself as a modern person. "

However, a slightly different portrait emerges from the anonymous stories: despite all his progressiveness, Medvedev, having gained power, gladly adopted all its old attributes - he took businessmen "to bow", coordinated their deals. Sometimes he allowed himself to talk rudely with his subordinates, one of them complains, at meetings in the government he often said to everyone: "Until you crucify all of you, you will not start working." It is impossible to talk to people like that, it is unprofessional, his colleague assesses, especially since many people worked hard, spent a lot of energy. Because of these shouts and rudeness, such an attitude towards subordinates, Medvedev did not form a strong team, the source of Vedomosti believes.

The president's press secretary Natalya Timakova disagrees with this interpretation: "Yes, the president could criticize individual officials for long and meaningless reports or poor elaboration of decisions, but, as a rule, he did not get personal." According to her description, Medvedev has a completely different style of communication and leadership: “The president is always restrained, polite, does not allow his mood or any of his emotions to be transferred to those around him. Raising his voice is not his method of leadership. But when the president is dissatisfied with something in your work and tells you about it in the calmest voice, I assure you - these are very unpleasant moments. "

“Medvedev has worked as a lawyer for many years - and this left an imprint on him: he formed a certain code of correct behavior for himself and he believes that people follow these rules. And this is far from the case, ”says the businessman who spoke with him. Medvedev has a high moral bar and it did not change when assessing a particular situation, says presidential aide Arkady Dvorkovich: “Medvedev reacts very harshly to discrepancies between words and deeds. If you can't do it, don't tell. This applies to any person. " Does this rule apply to Medvedev himself, whom many now reproach for inconsistency? “In public explanations there may be nuances that are not said, but this is different,” Dvorkovich defends the chief. “I’m sure he didn’t deceive anyone. He simply does not promise if he cannot fulfill. "

[Gazeta.Ru, 03.05.2012, "Feigned modernization": "Medvedevschina" as rhetoric and a mode of behavior legitimized both the rule of Putin's team and the system of personalist power. The very fact that Medvedev himself uttered many "correct words" - Freedom, Democracy, Modernization, which led to their devaluation, is his greatest contribution to the strengthening of the autocracy. Here's another paradox: Medvedev, with his hypocrisy, has dealt a bigger blow to values \u200b\u200bthan Putin, who prefers not to abuse "the right words." - Box K.ru]

Medvedev. Deeds and intentions

“President Medvedev had one virtue: good intentions,” says a former government official. Medvedev really wanted to change something in the judicial system and the system of institutions, to improve the investment climate. “This he sincerely wanted, even wanted. He saw this as his mission, - continues the source of Vedomosti. - But the Medvedev phenomenon turned out to be unique. In conditions when you know everything and are able to, you have sufficient experience in management work, good relationship with key people, doing nothing of this is nonsense. " Elena Panfilova, a member of the Council for Combating Corruption, has mixed feelings towards Medvedev: “Somewhere he made me happy, but somewhere he insanely disappointed. Like everyone else, I was hoping for more in general, but was skeptical about the campaign to fight corruption. " And as for the adopted laws, Medvedev even exceeded Panfilova's expectations: “I did not expect such a quick adoption of the law on access to information, on the openness of judicial acts. On the other hand, it seemed to me that he would have enough understanding of the fullness of presidential powers in order to make these laws work. But this failed. "

Medvedev has a pathological inability to administer, according to his former colleague, he does not know how to listen, select the best practices. The president liked to hold meetings under the cameras, in public, but there were no real discussions with a statement of positions and an in-depth analysis of differences. He was satisfied that everyone around felt like idiots, the official was indignant, but, in fact, it was impossible to work, things did not progress. Timakova claims that in fact, at best, one third of the meetings chaired by the president was broadcast, all the rest were held in a closed mode for the press: “So, during the world financial crisis the meetings met every week, of which only topics that worried people were aired, such as measures to combat unemployment. Over the past three months, closed weekly meetings have also been held where future economic reforms (pension, banking, healthcare) were discussed, at best they were accompanied by a short message from the press service. "

The former top manager of Gazprom was amazed at Medvedev's inability to independently make decisions, not even strategic ones. “When a specific conversation starts, he starts to hesitate, he is afraid to sign important documents, I, for example, tell him: lawlessness is going on in Gazprom, positions are being sold, something must be done urgently! And he answered: you probably misunderstood something, there is no topic for conversation, "- the interlocutor of" Vedomosti "shares his memories.

It is precisely because of his lack of independence and indecision that large entrepreneurs generally do not respect Medvedev - several of these businessmen agree on this, who spoke to Vedomosti on condition of anonymity. In their coordinate system, if you are the boss, then all subordinates must respect you, obey you, and sometimes be afraid, and you must move your business forward, explains one of them. In the case of the presidency, it is necessary to move the country forward. “The first few years we were still looking closely at Medved,” says a prominent businessman. “And then they realized that he was not really independent, but that Putin was still in charge. I still wonder how you can not respect yourself so much, how Medvedev himself is not disgusted with playing this role, when he and everyone around him understands the real balance of power. " “It is not true that Medvedev did not make independent decisions! - one of his acquaintances defends the president. "For example, he agreed to increase funding for the army by 60 billion rubles, although he knew that Putin was against." In June 2011, during the political crisis in Libya, Medvedev, like Western leaders, statedthat the regime of Muammar Gaddafi “lost legitimacy”, while Putin in harsh terms defended the Libyan dictator and demanded that NATO not interfere in the internal affairs of this state.

There are major legislative initiatives that certainly would not have arisen in Russia without Medvedev, Dvorkovich believes, this is the liberalization of the Criminal Code (here his legal education affected) and the initiative to move to the formation of a significant part of the army on a contract basis - in the future, almost 100%.

[Grani.Ru, 30.09.2011, "In captivity of tandemifs": Until very recently, many in Russia and in the West expected that Medvedev would finally begin liberal reforms, implementing the interests of the mythical "liberals" in power as opposed to Putin's "siloviki" ... The more Medvedev's supporters became disillusioned with their hopes, the louder they accused him of inaction. Only a cruel disappointment can explain the groaning of numerous authors about the humiliation of Medvedev, the traces of which they somehow "read" on his face during the recent congress of United Russia. Medvedev's liberal rhetoric overshadowed for them all of his actions that did not fit into the promoted image of a liberal president. Meanwhile, Medvedev has been exceptionally active in his post all these years. Moreover, it was he who implemented decisions that, without exaggeration, can be called fateful for the country's future. Another thing is that practically all of them turned out to be aimed not only at preserving the current regime, but at strengthening it. Here are just the main of these actions: the armed conflict with Georgia in August 2008 and the accompanying information war; expanding the powers of the FSB and strengthening the system of political investigation in the country; strengthening the fight against "extremism" - the creation of centers for countering extremism at the departments of internal affairs and the interdepartmental commission for combating extremism; the extension of the powers of the president to six years, and the Duma to five; reform of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, including an unofficial purge of the police elite, personnel purge of the governor's corps, and especially repression against the mayors of Russian cities; adoption of a long-term course towards the militarization of the country, which was called an imperative in the president's recent statement on the resignation of Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin. [...]
Given the complete secrecy of the current Russian government, it would be more correct to say that Putin and Medvedev represent the public "face" of an invisible government - the unconstitutional Politburo with its secret advisers. The very existence of such a Politburo is absent from public discourse. Moreover, no one can say with certainty to what extent not only Medvedev, but also Putin are his hostages. Under a thick veil of secrecy is also a ramified secret infrastructure of power that permeates society in the form of covert employees of the presidential administration and FSB bodies, who are present in all parties, public organizations, institutions, in all enterprises, including business structures, in all media. It is this secret infrastructure that ensures the stability of the "vertical" of power. It is she who constitutes the core of the civil society, which, in Putin's opinion, certainly exists in Russia and which is represented by organizations like the Public Chamber. - Box K.ru]

[garry-kasparov, 05.05.2012, "About the Beautiful Lady": The last Medvedev awards became a demonstration of the priorities of the vertical of power. State awards were presented to Churov and Nurgaliev (secretly) and Kulistikov. Mass falsification of elections, violent suppression of "dissenters" and constant brainwashing - these are the three pillars on which only the flat, unpromising world of Putin's dictatorship can rest.
In general, we can safely congratulate Vladimir Putin on his brilliant personnel decision. It is almost impossible to imagine another person who received such immense power and at the same time remained a puppet in the hands of his master.
The effective functioning of the "ruling" tandem, in my opinion, was determined not only by personal qualities (or, rather, by the lack of such in Dmitry Medvedev). The political stability of this unusual structure is based on the prevailing distribution of forces and responsibilities within the ruling elite. The indissoluble alliance of "siloviks" and "liberals" has become an inalienable guarantee of the survival of the oligarchic regime that has formed in Russia over the past 20 years.
"Systemic" liberals have played and continue to play a major role in ensuring the relatively normal functioning of the Russian economy and financial system. All their conflicts with the "stranglers of democracy" that have spilled over into the public have never been of an ideological nature, remaining just a business showdown of warring groups within a branched mafia clan. The Sislibs (as Andrei Illarionov called them on the verge of a foul) began to unlearn this role with enthusiasm back in the era of the Gaidar-Chubais reforms, when they boldly rushed into the privatization abyss hiding untold treasures, from which only losers emerged as millionaires. - Box K.ru]

Medvedev. People

The president of the Promagro company Fyodor Klyuk calls Medvedev "a competent specialist who knows how to work with people." But several acquaintances of Putin and Medvedev, on condition of anonymity, expressed the opinion that just working with people is the weak side of Medvedev as president. In their opinion, Medvedev and Putin have fundamentally different attitudes towards subordinates. One of them describes it this way: “For example, if you are a Putin man and you made a mistake, you will still remain a team man, you will not fall out of the cage, you will be transferred to another position, demoted, but not“ merged ”. And Medvedev is more likely to use people: you are needed while you work. He's very technocratic. " Therefore, the source of Vedomosti continues, for many Putin is a more attractive boss than Medvedev: “Putin will not quit, and Medvedev likes to say - your problem, you decide. He will never give a person more than he thinks he deserves. None of Medvedev's entourage feels complete confidence in the future, that he will be covered if something happens. " Another acquaintance of both leaders adds: “Medvedev is not so sophisticated in communication, maybe that is why he did not have a team of loyal and loyal like-minded people, while Putin builds relationships with people for the long term, giving some promises, guarantees or somehow tying to yourself in a different way. This is a kind of recruitment - after all, Putin was a spy. "

According to Dvorkovich, if problems arose with some people, Medvedev always spoke to them directly or sent a clear signal which things could be done and which could not. “And if a person perceived the signal, then there were no problems. To give one more chance is normal, if we are not talking about betrayal ”- this is how he describes the logic of Medvedev's attitude to his subordinates. But he can teach a person a lesson, as the stories of his subordinates testify. Example. Medvedev tries not to be late, does not tolerate this in his subordinates. This is confirmed by Timakova: “Of course, sometimes there are delays of 15-20 minutes - some meetings, for example, are delayed and then the next event may start late. But both the president and the protocol service always make sure that the wait is minimal. And, naturally, he doesn't like it when his subordinates are late. There were a couple of times cases when colleagues were late for meetings - meetings started without them, and they were told: thank you, you are no longer participating in this event. " It happened that the deputy prime ministers remained outside the door. " At one point, revenge for being late was more sophisticated. One of the people close to Medvedev tells how he once was 15 minutes late for a meeting with the president and after that he had to wait for several hours in the waiting room. And after he was late a second time, this is what happened: Medvedev, knowing that he was leaving for a week abroad for rest and treatment, unexpectedly called him to a meeting. Having interrupted his vacation and urgently returned to Moscow, the official found that he was not on the list of meeting participants.

Medvedev only allowed his anger to be released twice. A Kremlin official says that in a well-known stories with Alexei Kudrin Medvedev was angered by several things at once: violation of command, loyalty and the rules for performing their duties. “Kudrin made two mistakes: he made his statement in Washington, not in Moscow, and he commented on what no one had offered him yet. He announced that he would not work in the Medvedev government. That is, you were ready to work in the government of President Medvedev, but in the government of Prime Minister Medvedev, to which no one has invited you, you are not ready? " - he reasons. "Nevertheless, after this story, Dmitry Anatolyevich met with Kudrin and offered him the position of chairman of the Central Bank," the official knows, "but Kudrin refused the offer."

Tensions with subordinates sometimes escalated into open conflict, which was not the case under Putin. And the subordinates were not afraid to openly demonstrate their disdain for Medvedev. According to a former government official, “Medvedev has always had a difficult relationship with [former Finance Minister Alexei] Kudrin. Their mutual hostility was manifested, for example, in the case that occurred in 2009 - then Kudrin had a meeting where they discussed either help or converting money for Gazprombank. And Kudrin was inclined to a negative decision, but then the courier brought mail from Medvedev, where there was a resolution in favor of the bank. Kudrin unfolds, squints and defiantly says: "What a handwriting!"

However, Medvedev is able to communicate with a person who is personally unpleasant to him, emphasizes his acquaintance. As a result of many years of selection, Putin simply did not have such people, and around Medvedev, people who were not quoted by Putin gradually concentrated and gained influence on him. Some of them acted publicly under the name of Medvedev, for example, Igor Yusufov, when he negotiated the purchase of shares of the Bank of Moscow from Andrey Borodin. A person from Yusufov's entourage denies this, according to him, Medvedev did not have so-called close people, including businessmen: "He treated everyone exactly, never showed aggression or special sympathy for anyone." But it was possible to convey information to Medvedev, in particular, through the head of his security - deputy director of the FSO Mikhail Mikheev, says former employee special services, who knows Mikheev. In his opinion, since Medvedev does not have his own team as such, he takes for the members of his team those with whom he has known for a relatively long time. “Medvedev and Mikheev have developed a trusting relationship. And Medvedev's gentleness led to the fact that various businessmen began to come to Mikheev with requests, - says the source of Vedomosti. - It doesn't work with Putin. And Medvedev is softer, more intelligent. "

Medvedev. Hope

But the owner of one of the largest pharmaceutical companies in Russia - R-Pharm, a member of the general council of Delovaya Rossiya and the “big government” Alexei Repik is not disappointed in the president: “The state strategy set by Putin allowed business to concentrate on development<...> Medvedev's policy was consistent, but brought a number of features that we like: an emphasis on youth, the development of innovations, education, support for entrepreneurial initiative. " According to him, Medvedev began to engage in a more active dialogue with business, and now business is ready to build a long-term strategy. Promagro President Kluka says he enjoyed working with Medvedev: “He knew how to listen and make quick decisions. [During the crisis] he competently disposed of the stabilization fund, and we came out with small losses compared to what happened in other countries. We expected a lot with his presidency, we did not expect him to be in one term. And modernization programs began to stall. There is more democracy and freedom, the country has become more liberal. Free rallies have appeared. But he didn't have enough time. "

The final decision that Medvedev would have to leave the presidency was made by him and Putin on a fishing trip in August 2011, says a source from the president's entourage. Timakova also says that it became obvious to her that Medvedev was leaving the Kremlin at the end of August. It seems that the president himself has since regretted this decision. The Kremlin did not expect such a violent reaction of society, the Kremlin official admitted to Vedomosti, did not understand at that moment how many people were critical of Putin and pin some hopes on Medvedev and perceived this decision as a betrayal of their interests. “Seeing such a reaction, Dmitry Anatolyevich feels responsibility for these people who believed in the slogan“ Freedom is better than lack of freedom ”and pinned certain hopes on it. In many ways, this forces him to pursue his career - both political and administrative, "- assures the source of Vedomosti.

An acquaintance of Medvedev says that at first, after abandoning the next presidential term in September, Medvedev was confident that he could form a government on their own, but by November he was given to understand that he can only consider those whom he will be named, and he had a basic reassessment of everything and everyone around. “He realized that the composition of the government would not fully meet his wishes, and at the same time he would have to be responsible for the work of this government. As a result, Medvedev has been under stress for the past six months. He, of course, thought he would do more. Over the past six months, Medvedev has changed a lot, moved to minor, ”says his friend. Timakova called the comments about the future lack of independence of Medvedev the prime minister "premature": "We will wait for the composition of the government and we will draw conclusions."

Dmitry Medvedev's image on the screen

Medvedev's lifestyle

Often publicly demonstrating simplicity to others, Medvedev and his family began to live a luxurious life with great pleasure, people from the president's entourage say. “How the first lady changed the atmosphere in her residence is legendary. In a fully equipped residence, Svetlana demanded to change the entire furnishings, right down to the wallpaper and lamps. And at her whim, they filmed new and good things, brought others. Medvedev never wanted to count the money for his arrangement, ”says the source of Vedomosti. However, he could afford it - nevertheless, before entering politics, he was in business, worked for the Ilim-Pulp company.

A friend of Medvedev's adds: “Medvedev is a sybarite, he is greedy for the so-called luxury style. He loves expensive watches, changes them often, loves expensive clothes, he is impressed by people who, in his opinion, understand how to live beautifully. " Another friend of Medvedev confirms that president's wife Svetlana - a lover of jewelry, and laments that the fashion for expensive things has become a feature of Medvedev's political era: "Officials, I think, should behave more modestly, dress more modestly, they are showing an example to society by their behavior." [...]

WhyonmostbusinessdisappearedSovietUnion?

The official date of the termination of the existence of the Soviet Union on December 26, 1991 is the day of the adoption by the Supreme Soviet of declaration number 142-N, which confirmed the collapse of the USSR as a state and subject of international law. But this is just the tip of the iceberg, so to speak, a superficial view of things. And although the Soviet Union shrank to size Russian Federation, he continued to exist within it: the laws remained the same, as did most of the bureaucracy. Despite the fact that the Communist Party was banned after the August 1991 putsch, the rest of the state apparatus continued to function.

For Yeltsin and his henchmen, this situation has become very difficult. Having disbanded the KGB and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the liberals faced several more "problems", namely: the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, as well as the parliament of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, which was elected at the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. In short, the Supreme Soviet positioned itself as a "Russian parliament" (which is not entirely true), and its list of tasks included preventing Yeltsin from carrying out his reforms (that is, preventing the new president from completely destroying the country). We can say that the "new" Russia and the "old" Union were fighting for the future of the state. As expected, the Supreme Soviet wanted a parliamentary democracy, while Yeltsin and his liberal henchmen wanted a presidential one. Two sides suggested something that most Russians could not imagine before:

As president, Yeltsin represented Russia in the international arena. He positioned himself as a democrat and anti-communist (although before that he was a high-ranking member of the CPSU and a member of the Politburo). Yeltsin was also the darling of the West and promised to integrate Russia into the Western world.

The Supreme Soviet, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, with the support of Russian Vice President Alexander Rutskoi, became a stronghold for those who believed that the collapse of the USSR was a crime against the people. The main body of the Supreme Soviet consisted mainly of communists and socialists, as well as those who were opposed to the capitalist system. The Supreme Soviet was also supported by most of the nationalist movements.

We all know what happened next: Yeltsin literally drowned the opposition in a "bloody bath", and in reality things were much worse than it was shown in Western and russian media... One colonel from the Vympel detachment said that the KGB estimated the number of those killed within the Moscow region reached three thousand. According to one of the eyewitnesses, a prolonged automatic firefight ensued right under his windows - and this five days after the dissolution of the Supreme Soviet. When the authorities ordered the Vympel colonel to prepare for the assault on the White House, he refused. Many did this: as in 1991, both the paratroopers and special forces refused to shoot at their people. At the same time, the “democratic” forces did not show such sympathy.

By 1993, the vast majority of Russians (including expelled emigrants) were already fed up with what was happening in the country. Everyone was waiting for another - the third force in the political arena of the state to appear.

Democraticnightmare (1993-1999)

After the defeat of the opposition by Yeltsin's bandits, a quiet horror ensued in Russia: the mafia came to power, and natural resources were plundered by oligarchs (mostly of Jewish origin). Privatization spawned a new class of multimillionaires, and tens of millions of people could barely make ends meet. A wave of crime swept over almost every city, the infrastructure of the state collapsed and many regions began to actively plan their separation from the Russian Federation. Chechnya was allowed to secede from Russia after a bloody war. Throughout these truly hellish years, Western elites have given full support to Yeltsin and his oligarchs. The only exception was the sponsorship of Chechen fighters. In the end, what should have happened happened: in 1998, the country defaulted. Without a doubt, in 1999, Russia was only a stone's throw from complete collapse.

whatliberalsleftaftermyself

By destroying the opposition in 1993, the liberals were given absolute freedom of action. They were given the opportunity to create a new constitution that would ideally match their goals. Most of the powers now passed to the president. Moreover, the position of vice president was canceled, since the liberals did not want someone like Rutskoi to interfere with their plans again.

And yet, in 1996, they managed to nearly lose the presidential elections. Communist candidate Gennady Zyuganov received the majority of votes in the first round, so the liberals had two things to do: falsify the results and conclude an alliance with General Alexander Lebed. After such "maneuvers", they declared victory in the second round. And again, the West gave Yeltsin support. Why not? Why not support him again after the massacre of the opposition?

Yeltsin, on the other hand, spent most of his presidency in a wild booze and soon realized that he would not be able to last so long. The liberal camp panicked, resulting in a huge mistake in allowing an obscure and unremarkable politician from St. Petersburg, who in their opinion did not have strong qualities, to take the place of Yeltsin. This man was Vladimir Putin.

But after taking over as president, he began to act at lightning speed. Taking part in the events of the second Chechen war personally, Putin surprised everyone at once. Unlike his predecessor, the new president gave his military leaders carte blanche. Putin surprised everyone once again when he struck a truly historic deal with Akhmad-Haji Kadyrov (although he was one of the militant leaders), thus bringing peace to the Chechen region.

Putin was rapidly gaining popularity, which definitely played into his hands.

Taking advantage of the weaknesses in the constitution written by the liberals, he adopted a number of very important reforms and thus deprived the power of the largest oligarchs (Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky, Fridman, Gusinsky, etc.). Putin also passed many laws that were aimed at strengthening the vertical of power (the federal center gained direct control over local governments). As a result, most of the local mafias were liquidated, and various separatist movements were immediately stopped. Finally, Putin used administrative resources to create the United Russia party and secure state support for it. The irony is that Putin would never have been able to carry out his plans if it weren't for the very constitution that gave the president enormous powers. The liberals sold him a rope on which Putin hung them.

The West, of course, realized everything that was happening, but it was too late.

WhoreallysetPutintoauthorities?

This is a million dollar question, if not more! Formally, the answer is simple: Yeltsin. And yet, someone from the outside managed to brilliantly outplay the liberals.

If the pro-Soviet forces were destroyed back in 1993, who could have done it?

The union of two forces:

The first was the PSU of the KGB of the USSR (a structural unit of the KGB's foreign intelligence). Without a doubt, it was the most elite and also the most autonomous unit of the State Security Committee. It even had its own headquarters in the south of Moscow at its disposal. Among other things, the activities of PSU were very closely related to financial activity both in the USSR and abroad.

The second force was formed by a younger generation of politicians from key ministries of the former Soviet Union who dealt with financial and industrial issues and also hated the Yeltsin oligarchs. Unlike their liberal "colleagues", they did not want to simply plunder all the resources of the Russian Federation, and then retire to the United States or Israel. They set themselves the goal of creating a powerful market economy that would be integrated into the international financial system.

The first group will henceforth be called "supporters of Eurasian sovereignty", and the second - "Atlantic integrationists". Or "Putin's people" and "Medvedev's people".

Of course, the third force that provided the greatest support to the Putin-Medvedev tandem, the Russian people, deserves special attention.

Ingeniousformula

The creation of the aforementioned tandem was a truly brilliant plan: Putin's program was designed in such a way as to attract the attention of the nationally oriented segment of the population, and Medvedev - the liberal one. Putin would receive support from the security forces (defense, national security, intelligence), while Medvedev would receive support from the business community. Putin would put things in order in local self-government bodies, and Medvedev would do everything to make the resolution of financial issues with the EU and the United States as smooth as possible.

But what about the opposition today? The Communist Party tries to please those who are nostalgic for The Soviet Union, the liberal-democratic camp - of the nationally-oriented part of the population, and "Fair Russia" simply takes away votes from the first two. In other words, Putin and Medvedev have eliminated all kinds of serious opposition.
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