Drug treatment is not always effective for kidney stones. Highly...
MOSCOW, February 28 - RIA Novosti. Russian politician Boris Nemtsov, who in the past held a number of high posts in the Russian government and then went over to the opposition, was killed in the center of Moscow on Saturday night.
The investigation is considering all versions of Nemtsov's death, including contract killing, said Yulia Ivanova, a spokesman for the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation.
Below is a curriculum vitae.
Since 1967 he lived in the city of Gorky (now - Nizhny Novgorod).
In 1981 he graduated from the radiophysics faculty of the Gorky State University named after V.I. N.I. Lobachevsky.
In 1985 he defended his thesis and received the degree of candidate of physical and mathematical sciences
1981-1990 - Research Fellow at Gorky Research Institute of Radiophysics.
In 1990 he was elected People's Deputy of the RSFSR, a member of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation.
In September 1991, he was appointed the representative of the President of Russia in the Nizhny Novgorod region, in December 1991 - the head of the regional administration (governor).
In December 1993 he was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation. He was a member of the Federation Council committee on budget, financial, currency and credit regulation, monetary issue, tax policy and customs regulation.
In 1995 he won the election of the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, entered the Federation Council of the Russian Federation of the second convocation.
From March to December 1997, Nemtsov was simultaneously the Minister of Fuel and Energy of the Russian Federation, and was Deputy Chairman of the Commission of the Government of the Russian Federation on Operational Issues.
In March 1998, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was dismissed as part of the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin.
Since April 1998, he took up the post of Deputy Prime Minister in the government of Sergei Kiriyenko, in August 1998 he submitted his resignation letter, which was satisfied by President Boris Yeltsin.
Since September 1998, he was deputy head of the Council for Local Self-Government under the President of the Russian Federation.
In 1999, he became chairman of the social and political movement Young Russia, one of the leaders of the Right Cause coalition, and then one of the leaders of the Union of Right Forces (SPS).
On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation. In January-May 2000, he was Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation, since May 2000 - the head of the SPS faction, was a member of the State Duma Committee on Legislation.
In May 2001, at the founding congress of the Union of Right Forces party, Nemtsov was elected chairman of the political council of this party, which united the SPS movement participants and most of the members of Democratic Russia and Democratic Choice of Russia who had disbanded on the eve of the congress. Later he became a co-chairman of the SPS party. In January 2004, he resigned as a co-chairman of the party, remaining its ordinary member.
In January 2004, he became one of the founders of the "Committee-2008: Freedom of Choice" organization.
2004-2005 - Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Neftyanoy Concern.
From February 2005 to October 2006 - freelance advisor to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko.
Years Congress of the Union of Right Forces nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. However, even before the start of the election campaign, Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.
In February 2008, he suspended his membership in the Union of Right Forces.
On December 13, 2008, at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity", he was elected a member of the federal political council of "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.
The Solidarity Bureau nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the future capital of the 2014 Winter Olympics, the city of Sochi. In the elections for the mayor of Sochi, held on April 26, 2009, Boris Nemtsov took second place, receiving 13.6% of the vote.
In 2010, Nemtsov co-founded the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption."
In 2012, he was elected co-chairman of the political party Republican Party of Russia - Party of People's Freedom (RPR-PARNAS).
The children of Boris Nemtsov today do most of all to preserve the memory of this famous and extraordinary politician. The personal life of the hero of our article was eventful, in total he had five officially recognized children. But the most famous is his daughter Zhanna, a popular public figure and TV presenter.
Politician Nemtsov
The children of Boris Nemtsov today keep the memory of their father, despite the fact that most of them have different mothers. It should be admitted that Nemtsov himself is one of the brightest politicians in modern Russia. In the early 90s, he joined the young team of President Yeltsin, made a dizzying career, and held key positions in governing the country. He was considered by many to be the official successor of Boris Yeltsin as head of state. It is said that Yeltsin himself treated him better than many others.
In the 2000s, he found himself in opposition. But even then he made his way to the front rows. He regularly took part in protests against the current government. In 2015, he was shot dead in the very center of Moscow. Many consider him a political victim of the regime.
Youngest Governor
Boris Efimovich Nemtsov became famous throughout the country in 1991, when he headed the Nizhny Novgorod region. Shortly before that, during the August putsch, he openly supported Boris Yeltsin. He repaid him kindly.
When the leadership of the Emergency Committee was dismissed, Yeltsin appointed Nemtsov as the head of the region. In many ways, this decision was dictated by the fact that he was a new person, practically did not know anyone in this area. The politician was only 32 years old. Everyone then remembered the president's words that he appoints such a young man as governor for only two months, and if he fails, he will remove him. Nemtsov did it.
Moreover, in 1995, already at the national elections for the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, the hero of our article confirmed his high position. Already in the first round, he won the support of almost 60% of voters.
At that time, he earned the fame of a reformer, during his reign he implemented several programs in the region.
Work in the Russian government
In 1997, the career of Boris Efimovich Nemtsov went up. This happened after Yeltsin, in his annual address to the Federal Assembly, criticized the work of the Chernomyrdin government. After that, leaving the prime minister in his post, he made significant changes to the structure and composition of the cabinet.
Chubais became the first deputy prime minister with extended powers. Nemtsov was appointed another deputy prime minister. Moreover, he had to be persuaded to leave the Nizhny Novgorod region. This role was played by the daughter of the head of state, Tatyana Dyachenko, who met with the politician several times to persuade him to go to work in the government.
Nemtsov was charged with carrying out reforms in the social sphere and housing and communal services, dealing with issues of antimonopoly and housing policy, and coordinating the work of individual executive authorities. For example, the Ministry of Fuel and Energy, the Federal Energy Commission and others.
He did not manage to stay in the post of deputy prime minister for a long time. In 1998, there was a default in the country, the government of the new Prime Minister Kiriyenko was dismissed. According to media reports, Yeltsin then personally called Nemtsov, saying that he was not involved in the failure and could remain working with him until 2000. But the hero of our article refused.
In August, he submitted his resignation letter.
Nemtsov in opposition
Nemtsov began his independent political career in the Union of Right Forces party, together with Irina Khakamada, and in 1999 they supported Putin when he was appointed prime minister. He later admitted that this decision was wrong.
In the elections to the State Duma, he won in one of the districts in Nizhny Novgorod.
In the next elections in 2003, he ran at the head of the list of the Union of Right Forces. But the party was unable to overcome the 5 percent barrier required to get into parliament. After the defeat in the elections, Nemtsov resigned as leader of the Union of Right Forces.
After that, his political career developed rapidly, he was always in sight. For the 2008 presidential elections, the Union of Right Forces nominated him as a candidate, but he refused, supporting. In 2009, he participated in the mayoral elections in Sochi. He took second place with about 13.5% of the vote.
Since 2010, he regularly participates in rallies and was repeatedly detained for participating in unauthorized political rallies. The author of a number of expert reports - "Putin. Results", "Putin. Corruption", "Putin. The life of a slave in galleys. Palaces, yachts, cars, airplanes and other accessories", "Winter Olympics in the subtropics" and others.
In 2013, he won the elections to the Yaroslavl Regional Duma from the RPR-Parnas party.
Murder of a politician
Boris Nemtsov was killed on February 27, 2015. Almost in the very center of Moscow - on the Bolshoi. From this place the Kremlin was visible.
The killer shot the politician six times - in the back and head. At this time, a 23-year-old Ukrainian woman was with him. They say that this was Nemtsov's last love. They dated for three years. The question of who killed Boris Nemtsov immediately appeared in all news feeds.
The killer was Zaur Dadaev, who was sentenced to 20 years in prison. Together with him, four of his accomplices were convicted.
First marriage
Now more about his personal life. His first wife was Raisa Akhmetova. She was three years older than him. In 1984, their daughter Jeanne was born.
In the 90s, the couple officially broke up, lived separately, even in different cities, but did not officially divorce for a long time.
Zhanna Nemtsova
The daughter from his first marriage remains his most famous and public child. And this is not surprising. She is a journalist, public figure, worked as a TV presenter on the RBC TV channel. In 2015 she left Russia. He currently lives in Germany, works as a reporter for the Russian edition of the famous German television company Deutsche Welle.
Since 1997, she lived in Moscow, after Nemtsov was appointed first deputy prime minister. After finishing one quarter of the school in the capital, she returned to Nizhny Novgorod without permission. She returned to Moscow only a year later at the insistence of her parents.
After receiving secondary education, she studied at an American university, and later entered MGIMO. Zhanna Nemtsova received a degree in management. Under the influence of her mother, she began to show interest in the stock market. For many years he has been successfully investing in shares of domestic companies. Emigrated from Russia shortly after the murder of her father. Through social networks, she began to receive numerous threats.
She began her career as a journalist at the age of 14. At the radio station "Echo of Moscow" she worked as an assistant to a news presenter. In the early 2000s, she was promoting the website of the SPS party, which was led by her father.
Since 2007, she has been working for RBC. Many people remembered her interview with her father, in which Nemtsov recalled previously little-known details. For example, about the circumstances of the visit of British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to Nizhny Novgorod when he was governor there.
In 2016, she published a book of memoirs and memoirs called "Awaken Russia". After the murder of her father, her rhetoric became anti-government. In May 2015, she delivered the so-called Freedom Speech in Berlin. She mainly talked about propaganda in the state media, condemned the information campaign, which, in her opinion, was launched in Russia against Ukraine, and also criticized the creation of the image of the enemy from the United States.
Personal life of Boris Nemtsov
In total, Nemtsov has five officially recognized children. Two children were born to him from the journalist Ekaterina Odintsova. He met her and began dating while still living in Nizhny Novgorod. In 1995, a son was born to Boris Nemtsov. He is currently studying at the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology. In 2002, they had a daughter, Dina, who is still a schoolgirl.
After Odintsova's relationship with Nemtsov became close, the journalist moved to Moscow and began working as a TV presenter.
Daughter from the secretary
Boris Nemtsov had children as a result of an office romance. In 2004, his daughter Sophia was born from his secretary Irina Koroleva. In former times, she worked in the administration of the President of the Russian Federation.
Moreover, all these years, Nemtsov remained officially married to Raisa. For example, in a 2007 interview, he confirmed that they are married, although they live officially separately. So Boris Nemtsov had many wives, but they were all civilians.
Information appeared in the media about his close relationship with Zamira Duguzheva from Karachay-Cherkessia. And already in September 2017, Boris Nemtsov officially had more children. The court recognized him as the son of the child of 35-year-old Ekaterina Iftodi.
He did nothing good for Russia and did not try to do anything, but on the contrary. The story begins in the 90s. Becoming the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region in 1995, like many politicians and officials! liberal views, he helped to sell off the property of the country (as well as Chubais).
And as you know, the opposition loves such scum (because they themselves want profit), pulls them up and makes them heroes (under the guise of fighters for pseudo freedom, they lead us like stupid hamsters).
Why did the country collapse in 91g? It can be concluded that such Nemtsovs began to come to power, they destroyed it with their deeds, orders, orders - they drove into debt. They were interested in privatizing Everything and selling everything to foreigners. Well, to earn yourself a piece. (see links)
But the law of time will still reveal all traitors. The truth cannot be hidden.
There are witnesses, there is evidence, judge for yourself ..... Boris Nemtsov - COMPROMAT (true)
https://youtu.be/A-vi755ae_g
https://youtu.be/yVW-G8i5_Eg
https://youtu.be/ztDRnZDH2hY
https://youtu.be/RX5EwnSRwkA
https://youtu.be/RKPoUyuVKPU
http://www.compromat.ru/page_26315.htm
For some reason, on Wikipedia, you will not find these moments of Nemtsov's life, which are indicated by video and audio evidence on these links. How he traveled to the USA, how he met with Clinton and why, how he spoke there. Judging by the video facts, it looks like Nemtsov was a thief, criminal and corrupt man. Why was it removed? I think because he completed his cutting program and as an extra witness is no longer needed.
And if you figure out what kind of "Freedom and independence .." he and his followers are calling the liberals at rallies, it becomes clear that these are calls for anarchy and unrest by your hands. In our country, so everyone is free, free in their thoughts, freedom of speech, freedom of choice, choice of place of study, profession, place of residence, travel, music, cinema, TV, Internet, books, in the end), etc. another country! .... Note that there are no restrictions on freedom and discrimination based on race, language, sex and religion in our country. Anyone can come to us, live, study and work. Unlike some Western countries, where the Russian language is prohibited at the state level, thereby oppressing Russians as a nation living on their own territory. They also include mechanisms for sanctions against our country. This is a real violation of freedom, and where are these liberals defenders of "Freedom"? Not weird?
We already have all the freedoms !!! Therefore, before you go to rallies under the slogans for "Freedom and independence" of something or someone Think about it! After all, they urge you to anarchy, to lawlessness and anarchy with your hands, which is fraught with deterioration, loss of work, and, as a result, deterioration of the general situation of you, your parents and relatives, as was already done in 1991-93. So everyone is free. (Type Elections 1996 for comparison) And it is impossible to be free from the country. Wherever you live, in the United States or Russia, you must comply with the laws. And to be free and independent from society, from obligations to the family, from the political system, from circumstances, from fate is also impossible, unless you are down or schizophrenic, of course. Therefore, it is just a deception and manipulation of your consciousness. And whoever calls for freedom and independence wants to do something with your hands. We are free and at the same time always dependent on each other! In the USSR, the correct slogan was "For the friendship of peoples!"
MOSCOW, February 28 - RIA Novosti. Russian politician Boris Nemtsov, who in the past held a number of high posts in the Russian government and then went over to the opposition, was killed in the center of Moscow on Saturday night.
The investigation is considering all versions of Nemtsov's death, including contract killing, said Yulia Ivanova, a spokesman for the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation.
Below is a curriculum vitae.
Since 1967 he lived in the city of Gorky (now - Nizhny Novgorod).
In 1981 he graduated from the radiophysics faculty of the Gorky State University named after V.I. N.I. Lobachevsky.
In 1985 he defended his thesis and received the degree of candidate of physical and mathematical sciences
1981-1990 - Research Fellow at Gorky Research Institute of Radiophysics.
In 1990 he was elected People's Deputy of the RSFSR, a member of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation.
In September 1991, he was appointed the representative of the President of Russia in the Nizhny Novgorod region, in December 1991 - the head of the regional administration (governor).
In December 1993 he was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation. He was a member of the Federation Council committee on budget, financial, currency and credit regulation, monetary issue, tax policy and customs regulation.
In 1995 he won the election of the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, entered the Federation Council of the Russian Federation of the second convocation.
From March to December 1997, Nemtsov was simultaneously the Minister of Fuel and Energy of the Russian Federation, and was Deputy Chairman of the Commission of the Government of the Russian Federation on Operational Issues.
In March 1998, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was dismissed as part of the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin.
Since April 1998, he took up the post of Deputy Prime Minister in the government of Sergei Kiriyenko, in August 1998 he submitted his resignation letter, which was satisfied by President Boris Yeltsin.
Since September 1998, he was deputy head of the Council for Local Self-Government under the President of the Russian Federation.
In 1999, he became chairman of the social and political movement Young Russia, one of the leaders of the Right Cause coalition, and then one of the leaders of the Union of Right Forces (SPS).
On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation. In January-May 2000, he was Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation, since May 2000 - the head of the SPS faction, was a member of the State Duma Committee on Legislation.
In May 2001, at the founding congress of the Union of Right Forces party, Nemtsov was elected chairman of the political council of this party, which united the SPS movement participants and most of the members of Democratic Russia and Democratic Choice of Russia who had disbanded on the eve of the congress. Later he became a co-chairman of the SPS party. In January 2004, he resigned as a co-chairman of the party, remaining its ordinary member.
In January 2004, he became one of the founders of the "Committee-2008: Freedom of Choice" organization.
2004-2005 - Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Neftyanoy Concern.
From February 2005 to October 2006 - freelance advisor to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko.
Years Congress of the Union of Right Forces nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. However, even before the start of the election campaign, Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.
In February 2008, he suspended his membership in the Union of Right Forces.
On December 13, 2008, at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity", he was elected a member of the federal political council of "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.
The Solidarity Bureau nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the future capital of the 2014 Winter Olympics, the city of Sochi. In the elections for the mayor of Sochi, held on April 26, 2009, Boris Nemtsov took second place, receiving 13.6% of the vote.
In 2010, Nemtsov co-founded the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption."
In 2012, he was elected co-chairman of the political party Republican Party of Russia - Party of People's Freedom (RPR-PARNAS).
Boris Efimovich Nemtsov. Born on October 9, 1959 in Sochi - killed on February 27, 2015 in Moscow. Russian politician and statesman, deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma of the sixth convocation, one of the founders and leaders of the ODD Solidarity, co-chairman of the RPR-PARNAS political party, member of the Coordination Council of the Russian opposition, scientist-physicist.
The first governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region (1991-1997). Then Nemtsov went to work in the Russian Government as Minister of Fuel and Energy (1997) and First Deputy Prime Minister (1997-1998). In 1997-1998 he was a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. At the time of his work as governor and deputy prime minister, he was the youngest Russian politician in these positions (until the appointment of Prime Minister S. Kiriyenko in April 1998).
In 1998 he created the liberal movement Young Russia, which later became one of the founders of the Just Cause coalition (1998-2000) and the Union of Right Forces party. Nemtsov was several times elected to the Russian parliament, in 1990 he was elected a people's deputy of the RSFSR, in 1993 he was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, in 1995-1997 he was a member of the Federation Council as governor. In 1999-2003 - Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, where he held the posts of deputy chairman of the State Duma and head of the Union of Right Forces faction. After 2003, he worked in business and was a freelance advisor to the President of Ukraine.
After the split in the "Union of Right Forces" (when the party members decided to unite in "Right Cause") in 2008, he was one of the initiators of the creation of the opposition democratic movement "Solidarity". Since 2008 - member of the Bureau of the Federal Political Council of the Solidarity movement. In 2009, with the support of Solidarity, he was nominated for the post of mayor of Sochi and took second place in the elections after the candidate from the ruling party. In 2010, the movement joined the For Russia without Arbitrariness and Corruption coalition.
Since 2012 - co-chairman of the political party "Republican Party of Russia - Party of People's Freedom" (RPR-PARNAS). Known for publishing a number of reports on corruption and criticizing V. Putin ("Putin. Results. 10 years", "Putin. Corruption"), as well as one of the organizers and participants of the "March of Dissent" (2007), "Strategy-31", protest rallies "For Fair Elections" (2011-2013) and processions against hostilities in Ukraine (2014-2015).
In the regional elections on September 8, 2013, he was elected a deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma at the head of the RPR-Parnas party list.
He was a candidate of physical and mathematical sciences, the author of over 60 scientific papers and several inventions. The initiator of naming the heads of regions in Russia as governors (thus, he became the first governor in modern Russia). Initiator of the Presidential Management Training Program. He was awarded several Russian state awards (including the Medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland), the Ukrainian Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise, and the Order of the Holy Right-Believing Prince Daniel of Moscow from the Russian Orthodox Church.
Shot on the night of February 27-28, 2015 by unknown persons in Moscow. According to the priority version of the investigation, he died at the hands of Islamists. He was buried at the Troekurovsky cemetery.
Boris Nemtsov. The cult of personality
Born on October 9, 1959 in Sochi, in the family of the deputy chief of the construction headquarters Efim Davydovich Nemtsov (1928-1988) and pediatrician, Honored Doctor of Russia Dina Yakovlevna Nemtsova (nee Eydman; born March 3, 1928).
He was the youngest child in the family (sister Julia is 6 years older).
According to Nemtsov's recollections, his paternal grandmother, Anna Borisovna Nemtsova (1899-1980), was Russian and in childhood baptized him secretly from his Jewish mother, which caused her great displeasure. His (maternal) cousin is Igor Eydman.
He studied in Gorky, graduated from school No. 11 of the Prioksky district with a gold medal. In 1976 he entered the Faculty of Radiophysics of the Gorky State University. NI Lobachevsky, who graduated with honors. Nemtsov's cousin, Vilen Eydman's son, Igor Eydman, also studied at Gorky University. In 1997 he moved to Moscow.
Then he worked in research institutes. He was engaged in problems of plasma physics, acoustics and hydrodynamics. In 1985, while working at NIRFI together with his maternal uncle, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics Vilen Yakovlevich Eydman, he co-authored VV Kurin in the article "Harbinger and side waves when pulses are reflected from the interface between two media."
In 1985 he defended his thesis and received the degree of candidate of physical and mathematical sciences (topic: "Coherent effects of the interaction of moving sources with radiation"). Author of over 60 scientific papers on quantum physics, thermodynamics, acoustics.
Among Nemtsov's inventions are an acoustic laser (superheated steam is strongly cooled, a powerful infrasound arises) and some parameters of an antenna for a spacecraft (when the spacecraft enters the earth's atmosphere due to its heating, communication with the spacecraft is lost - Nemtsov's invention removed communication interference). Academician VL Ginzburg spoke about him in 1997: “He studied at the department of radio wave propagation, organized by me at the radio faculty, was a graduate student of two of my graduate students: Eydman, his uncle, and Denisov. He is a truly talented physicist, he has a lot of good work. " He worked as a tutor in physics, mathematics and English.
In March 1990, he was elected People's Deputy of the RSFSR in the Gorky National-Territorial District, was a member of the "Reform Coalition" bloc and the "Left Center - Cooperation" faction.
According to Ilya Konstantinov, People's Deputy of the RSFSR, a member of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, in June 1993 Nemtsov warned him about the upcoming dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet, stating that the deputies would be "crushed by tanks" and suggested that he (Konstantinov) go over to the side of the president.
During the presidential elections in Russia in 1991, Boris Nemtsov was Boris Yeltsin's confidant in the Gorky region.
From August 27, 1991 to April 18, 1994, Boris Nemtsov was the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Nizhny Novgorod Region.
On October 18, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR delegated Nemtsov to the Council of Republics of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, but after 2 months he was recalled from there in connection with the ratification by the Russian parliament of the Belovezhsky agreement on the termination of the existence of the USSR.
On November 30, 1991, a decree of the President of the RSFSR was signed on the appointment of Nemtsov as head of the administration of the Gorky Region (from May 16, 1992 - the Nizhny Novgorod Region.
December 12, 1993 Nemtsov was elected to the Federation Council, his election campaign, as the newspaper Kommersant wrote, was financed by businessman Andrei Klimentiev.
November 29, 1994 Bank of New York mistakenly transferred $ 2 million to the correspondent account of the investment commercial bank "Nizhegorodets" in the Nizhny Novgorod region, in fact, the funds were intended for "Nizhegorodpromstroybank". IKB "Nizhegorodets", which was experiencing serious financial difficulties, did not return the money. An international scandal erupted: according to the then Governor of the Nizhny Novgorod Region Boris Nemtsov, the US Ambassador to Russia tried to protect the interests of the Bank of New York Thomas Pickering.
Pickering appealed to the First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Anatoly Chubais, who on February 18, 1995, together with the head of the Central Bank of Russia Tatyana Paramonova, instructed Governor Nemtsov to take urgent measures to return the Bank of New York $ 2 million.
In turn, Nemtsov, in a letter on March 13, 1995, offered Chubais two ways out: either the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region takes a loan from Inkombank secured by federal property - the multi-storey office of the state-owned enterprise Nizhpoligraf, or the federal budget allows the region to defer mandatory tax payments in the amount of 15 billion rubles for nine month. Chubais approved the option with Nizhpoligraf, and the State Property Committee of Russia allowed the federal building to be pledged to obtain a loan from Inkombank. However, the money was borrowed not by the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, but by the VZAO "Nizhegorodskaya Yarmarka", where the administration was and remains the main shareholder. The fair received $ 3.5 million from Inkombank to solve, in fact, other people's problems.
On April 18, 1995, a tripartite loan agreement was concluded between VZAO Nizhegorodskaya Yarmarka (lender), IKB Nizhegorodets (borrower) and Bank of New York (lender of the borrower). The fair pledged to transfer $ 1.114 million to the Bank of New York against the debt of Nizhegorodets Bank. The latter promised the fair to repay the debt within six months, taking into account 10% per annum.
On April 25, 1995, according to the payment order, $ 1.021 million was transferred to Nizhegorodets Bank (why not $ 1.114 million was not explained). However, "Nizhegorodets", already having debts of millions of dollars at the time of the conclusion of the contract, did not fulfill its obligations to the fair and went bankrupt.
In 2005, Boris Nemtsov commented on this to Kommersant: "As far as I understand, there are no criminal cases against me." Meanwhile, commenting on the conflict between the Bank of New York and the Nizhny Novgorod Fair, Nemtsov noted that "Russia as a state returned the money stolen from it to the Bank of New York and did the right thing, because everyone in America believed that the money was stolen by the Russian mafia." Nemtsov also added that he does not understand what Gennady Khodyrev is worried about (in 2005, the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region): “The administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region can take away a stake in the fair at the expense of payment to creditors, but for the fair it will only be a blessing, because an official should not be in charge ”.
In 1996, Olga Senatova, chief specialist of the State Committee for Federation and Nationalities of the Russian Federation, characterized the regime that had formed under Nemtsov's governorship as authoritarian.
According to O. Senatova, in the absence of control from the federal center (from 1991 to 1994 he combined the posts of head of administration and representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the region), Nemtsov established total control over the media, which impeded the activities of the opposition and contributed to the formation of an absolutely controlled legislative authority - more than 60%, according to Senatova, it was made up of functionaries of the executive power at all levels. According to O. Senatova, “the ousting of structures and persons from local politics led to an inadequately large number of Nizhny Novgorod residents in the federal lists of parties and movements” - the personalities ousted from local politics “rushed” to the federal level. Nemtsov was patronized by the federal center, which greatly facilitated the inflow of investments into the region. According to O. Senatova, Nemtsov provided patronage to a number of commercial firms (Aroko firm, Boris Brevnov's Nizhegorodsky Banking House bank, etc.), at the same time complicating the activities of foreign or independent small companies. According to O. Senatova, the combination of a fairly effective domestic policy with the work of a "propaganda machine" ensured Nemtsov's high popularity among the population.
Journalist Vladimir Ionov disagrees with this and calls the assessment of Olga Senatova, who did not live in the Nizhny Novgorod region, untrue. In his publication, Ionov points out the openness of Governor Nemtsov to the media: “I have more than once attended unprecedented open operational meetings with the governor, and wrote about him.” Ionov also notes the lack of practice in interviewing for preliminary proofreading and any consequences after the publication of critical articles addressed to Governor Nemtsov.
Election of the Governor of the Nizhny Novgorod Region 1997
The President of the Nizhny Novgorod Research Foundation, Sergei Borisov, in his study "The Actual Political Regime in the Nizhny Novgorod Region: Formation in the 1990s" calls one of the "most natural consequences of the authoritarianization of the political regime" the formation around Nemtsov by the end of 1993 of an "informal alliance of individual representatives of the most influential, elite corporations ": executive and legislative branches of government, local" siloviki ", entrepreneurs and heads of the media. According to the expert, the period of Nemtsov's governorship was characterized by features characteristic of the regime of regional authoritarianism. The scientist believes that a liberal-populist version of such a regime has been implemented in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Alternative poles of political influence outside the ruling hierarchy were not suppressed by the administration of Governor Nemtsov, however, their possible strengthening was under close scrutiny and was limited, as S. Borisov wrote, using a variety of means. The activities of representative bodies of power were also pushed aside by the administration of the governor from the epicenter of the political process. At the same time, the expert noted, the political opposition was not perceived by the governor as something necessarily hostile, and was surrounded by an “atmosphere of a certain tolerance”. The governor's political rivals were pushed to the periphery of public life not by means of apparatus pressure, but by methods of public policy.
Aleksandr Prudnik, an employee of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote that the events after January 1994 in the history of the Nizhny Novgorod region “represent the technology of intuitive development of new elements of controlled democracy”. According to Prudnik, Nemtsov “blocked the path to the desired future for many talented residents of Nizhny Novgorod - both a new generation of politicians and a new generation of entrepreneurs”.
The collection of scientific papers of the Moscow Public Science Foundation said that "Nemtsov's style of political leadership can be characterized as intuitive, improvisational and moderately authoritarian."
In 1996, Yuri Kotov, head of the State Committee of the Republic of Chuvashia for land resources and land use, in an interview with the newspaper "Business Environment" highly praised Nemtsov's organizational skills. Speaking about the land reform carried out in the Nizhny Novgorod region, Kotov noted that Nemtsov “gave everyone the same starting opportunities. Those who had a heartache for this business, especially on earth, pulled out. Some were able to reveal themselves as owners, proprietors, others were simply not ripe for this - accustomed to relying on the state, they ruined both collective farms and their own farms. And to blame Nemtsov for this is simply unfair. "
According to the information and expert group "Panorama", Nemtsov is one of the few heads of regional administration who enjoyed a relatively high popularity among the population. The correctness of the course he has chosen for carrying out reforms and the unbroken system of distribution of cheap goods through large enterprises of the military-industrial complex, which employs a significant part of the region's population, is noted. Also credit is given to the absence of major conflicts with the regional council, which approved the reforms.
Nizhny Novgorod political scientist Sergei Kochergov credits Nemtsov with the resuscitation of the Nizhny Novgorod Fair and the Gorky Automobile Plant, and the successes in land reform. The program of targeted social assistance is also noted, which was one of the first to be applied in Russia, and the experience was introduced in other regions.
Nemtsov vs Zhirinovsky. One on one (1995)
From April 24 to November 20, 1997, Boris Nemtsov also held the post of Minister of Fuel and Energy of Russia, from May 22, 1997 to October 1, 1998 - a member of the Russian Security Council.
In May 1997, on the recommendation of Nemtsov and with the assistance of Anatoly Chubais, 29-year-old Boris Brevnov from Nemtsov's entourage in Nizhny Novgorod entered the management of RAO UES of Russia. Later, the Accounts Chamber of Russia discovered numerous financial violations in Brevnov's activities, and in 1998 he lost his post. Olga Kryshtanovskaya, a researcher at the RAS Institute of Sociology, noted that “as a result of the scandal around Brevnov, Nemtsov is actually losing control over RAO UES. Nemtsov is once again demoted: from the curator of the fuel and energy complex, he descends to the level of "meeting the needs of the economy in fuel and energy." Later, Nemtsov himself said that sometimes he was mistaken in the people he had nominated to the leadership, but he stressed that "he has nothing to repent of."
Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Vladimir Nakoryakov, describing the activities of Nemtsov and his nominee, wrote: “The disintegration of the energy industry in Russia began with the arrival of absolute non-professionals in the leadership. The starting point can be called the arrival of B. Nemtsov, B. Brevnov and their teams in the energy sector in the mid-90s. Until a certain time, the technological backlog created over the previous years was enough to withstand the efforts that the incoming team of absolute amateurs in the energy and economy made to destroy the energy complex and lose control over it. "
In April 1997, according to the Public Opinion Foundation, 29% of Russians were ready to see Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia. At that time, Boris Nemtsov was the leader in the presidential rating, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was in second place in popularity, then General, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky. In the second round, according to sociologists, Nemtsov would have defeated any of the mentioned politicians.
By the end of October 1999, according to a VTsIOM poll, Nemtsov's presidential rating had dropped to 1 percent.
According to Alexander Khinshtein, President Yeltsin, at a “no tie” meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Hashimoto, held in Krasnoyarsk on November 1-2, 1997, announced the transfer of the Kuril Islands, and it was Nemtsov who convinced the president to abandon his promise.
On November 4, 1997, First Deputy Prime Ministers Nemtsov and at a meeting with President Yeltsin sought the resignation of Boris Berezovsky from the post of Deputy Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. According to Yeltsin's recollections, Nemtsov and Chubais said at this meeting that "a person who confuses business with politics cannot occupy this position, they gave examples, they said that Berezovsky undermines the authority of the authorities in the country." The next day, a presidential decree was signed on the resignation of Berezovsky. According to Yeltsin's recollections, the deputy prime ministers "gave an excuse" to get rid of Berezovsky, whom Yeltsin described as "a" shadow "that was boring by the order."
On December 26, 1997, the State Duma adopted a resolution in which it characterized Nemtsov as an irresponsible and unqualified politician, proposing to Yeltsin to release him from his post.
In April 1998, he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation.
By the Decree of the Government of Russia dated May 15, 1998, Nemtsov was entrusted with the leadership of the Commission of the Government of the Russian Federation on operational issues and the Interdepartmental Commission on socio-economic problems of coal mining regions.
In May-November 1997 and since May 1998, Nemtsov was also the chairman of the board of state representatives at RAO Gazprom.
Nemtsov is one of the initiators of the adoption of the President's program for the training of management personnel.
A few days after the default on August 17, 1998, the government of Sergei Kiriyenko was dismissed, Nemtsov became the acting deputy chairman of the Russian government. According to the magazine "Profile" Yeltsin called Nemtsov and said that he had nothing to do with the crisis, and therefore would work until 2000, but Nemtsov refused.
On August 24, 1998, Nemtsov submitted a letter of resignation, which was satisfied by the decree of the President of Russia Boris Yeltsin on August 28, 1998.
As the Kommersant-Vlast magazine wrote, Nemtsov, as Deputy Prime Minister, “did not distinguish himself much.” visit. Nemtsov was one of the brightest speakers in the Duma. He can be credited with such a plus of the election campaign as the demand for military reform. In passive - a failed tactical alliance with Yabloko. "
On September 22, 1998, Nemtsov was appointed deputy chairman of the Council for Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation (on a voluntary basis).
In December 1998, the social and political movement "Young Russia" was established. Nemtsov was elected chairman of the movement's federal political council. In the spring of 1999, "Young Russia" became a member of the "Right Cause" coalition.
In early March 1999, information appeared in the press that Nemtsov and a number of other representatives of the right-wing forces were included in the list of candidates for members of the board of directors of RAO UES of Russia. On March 16, State Duma Chairman Gennady Seleznev said that the Duma would not allow Nemtsov, Gaidar, Kiriyenko and B. Fedorov to be elected to the board of directors of this company. According to Seleznev, “the electoral coalition“ Right Cause ”would like to have a good sponsor in the person of RAO“ UES of Russia ”in the upcoming parliamentary elections, but these people have already been fined, and it is not clear what they have to do with the energy sector”. On March 22, Nemtsov announced his refusal to work at RAO UES of Russia.
On April 2, 1999, the State Duma of the Russian Federation expressed concern over the peacekeeping initiative of the group, in which Nemtsov participated, on Yugoslavia.
In August 1999, Nemtsov commented positively on the approval of the post of Prime Minister of Russia: “For the 'right-wing' forces, Putin is a perfectly acceptable figure. He is a hard-working, experienced and intelligent person, about the same level as Stepashin. "
In September 1999, Chairman of the State Duma G. Seleznyov called on the leaders of the Union of Right Forces to disclose the sources of funding for their electoral bloc. Seleznev recalled the statement of one of the leaders of the Union of Right Forces, Nemtsov, that they are "not poor people." The speaker of the State Duma noted that Nemtsov "does not work anywhere, that is, according to the old laws, he is a parasite." As Seleznev stated, in this case it is not clear where the SPS comes from "for posters, advertising, and it is not clear what these guys live on."
At the end of 1999, together with Sergei Kiriyenko, he headed the list of the pre-election bloc "Union of Right Forces". In December, he was elected to the State Duma in the 117th Avtozavodsky electoral district of Nizhny Novgorod, served as deputy chairman of the State Duma, member of the State Duma committee on legislation and leader of the SPS faction. He was one of the co-chairs of the Union of Right Forces party.
On November 27, 1999, Nemtsov named Vladimir Putin the most worthy person of all candidates who intend to run in the 2000 presidential elections in Russia. He stated that Putin should be the next president. According to Nemtsov, Putin is a responsible, honest person who is not afraid to make difficult decisions for himself, who will form a capable, responsible and competent government.
Subsequently, Nemtsov recognized Putin's support as erroneous, said that he actually voted for Grigory Yavlinsky in the 2000 presidential elections, and that he never voted for Putin and objected to Putin's support for the Union of Right Forces.
On April 28, 2001, at the fourth congress of Young Russia, it was announced that this movement had been disbanded in anticipation of the creation of the Union of Right Forces party.
In 2003, he headed the list of the Union of Right Forces in the elections to the State Duma, which did not overcome the 5 percent barrier. After losing the election, he resigned from the post of chairman of the political council of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2004-2005 he was the chairman of the board of directors of the Neftyanoy concern, whose president was Igor Linshits. According to the prosecutor's office, a criminal group was operating in the bank that was part of the concern, which, while carrying out illegal banking operations, received "criminal income in the amount of 57 billion rubles." After the start of inspections of the company, Boris Nemtsov left the concern, stating that he wanted to "eliminate any political risks in the business" of his friend Linshits. According to Nemtsov himself, he worked for the Neftyanoy concern, where he was engaged in the construction of commercial real estate in Moscow, but never worked for the Neftyanoy bank. The case of embezzlement in the bank "Oil" was closed in 2010.
In 2004 he was elected to the board of the Committee 2008: Free Choice.
On October 24-25, 2002, during the seizure of the Theater Center on Dubrovka, the terrorists, according to evidence, named among the politicians with whom they agree to negotiate, Kobzon, Irina Khakamada and Nemtsov. Khakamada replied that she was ready and for the sake of rescuing the hostages went with Kobzon to the Theater Center to meet with the terrorists, and Nemtsov said: "I need to agree" and disappeared. Ten years later, Nemtsov explained that V. Putin had forbidden him and Luzhkov to participate in negotiations with terrorists: “There was a direct call from Putin. And then (the chief of the operational headquarters) Pronichev came up and said: you and Luzhkov should not go ... I asked him to explain the reason to me. Pronichev told me: go to the Kremlin and sort it out. I went to Voloshin and asked him to explain what it all means. Voloshin told me: Putin doesn’t like that your rating is growing ”.
In 2004, the SPS party officially supported Nemtsov during the presidential election campaign in Ukraine. During the Orange Revolution, Nemtsov became one of the few Russian politicians to support Yushchenko. Nemtsov visited Kiev several times, speaking at the "orange" rallies.
From February 2005 to October 2006, he was a freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko. According to Boris Nemtsov himself, "his advice cannot be called fateful, but he did what he could"
In 2007, Nemtsov's book "Confessions of a Rebel" was published.
In September 2007, the SPS party congress approved Boris Nemtsov, along with Nikita Belykh and Marietta Chudakova, at the head of the SPS electoral list for the 2007 State Duma elections. During the election campaign, the Union of Right Forces came out with harsh criticism of the government headed by Vladimir Putin.
In November 2007, during the election campaign to the State Duma, a number of media outlets published a statement by the first issue of the regional group of the Union of Right Forces in Ingushetia, Vakhi Yevloyev, who characterized Nemtsov's activities in an extremely negative way, including as party leader. Political analyst Alexander Kynev called this statement "a PR campaign to discredit one of the political parties", suggesting that it was made under pressure.
In December 2007, the Congress of the Union of Right Forces nominated Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. As of December 2007, Nemtsov's presidential rating was less than 1% on December 26, even before the start of the election campaign, Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.
Following the December 2007 Duma elections, presidential candidates Boris Nemtsov, Vladimir Bukovsky and Mikhail Kasyanov issued a joint statement stating that the campaign was unfair and listing numerous reasons that prompted them to come to this conclusion.
In their statement, Bukovsky, Kasyanov and Nemtsov pledged to dissolve the State Duma of the fifth convocation in the event of a victory of one of them in the presidential election and to appoint new elections as soon as possible, which “will be held in accordance with the standards of multi-party democracy, ensuring freedom of speech, transparency of all procedures and equal opportunities for all participants ”. None of these candidates were subsequently admitted to the March 2, 2008 presidential elections.
On February 12, 2008, a presentation of Boris Nemtsov's “independent expert report” co-authored with Vladimir Milov “Putin. Results ". On the same day, Boris Nemtsov announced the suspension of his membership in the Union of Right Forces, refusing to comment on this decision.
On April 5, 2008 in St. Petersburg, Nemtsov took part in the conference "New Agenda for the Democratic Movement".
On November 15, 2008, at an extraordinary congress, the SPS party announced its self-dissolution. On the basis of the liquidated parties SPS, Civil Force and DPR, a new party "Right Cause" was created. Nemtsov was one of the persistent opponents of the dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, called Just Cause a "Kremlin project" and actively tried to persuade his party comrades to abandon the voluntary liquidation of the Union of Right Forces, but the majority decided otherwise. A minority of the former members of the Union of Right Forces, including Boris Nemtsov, refused to participate in Pravoye Delo.
December 13, 2008 at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" was elected a member of the federal political council "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.
In March 2009, Boris Nemtsov announced his intention to run as a candidate for the mayor of Sochi. He made this decision after he received an appeal from a group of Sochi residents with a request to stand as a candidate in the elections. On March 28, 2009, the municipal election commission officially registered Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the city of Sochi.
According to official data, the former mayor of Anapa Anatoly Pakhomov won by a significant margin in the first round, receiving 76.86% of the vote. Nemtsov came in second with 13.6% of the vote. The third place was taken by the communist Yuri Dzagania with a score of 6.75 percent.
On March 10, 2010, Nemtsov was among the first opposition figures to sign an appeal “Putin must leave”.
On August 7, 2010, Nemtsov ascended Mount Elbrus, the highest point in Russia and Europe, where he raised the Solidarity flag. According to Nemtsov, "the main incentive for the ascent was to raise the opposition flag to a height unattainable until now, which I did."
Access to federal TV channels was closed for Nemtsov during these years due to strict censorship. According to Vladimir Pozner, in May 2015, despite the fact that Nemtsov was of undoubted interest to viewers, he could not invite the politician to air on his Channel One program due to the bans, although he really wanted to and tried many times to do so.
Nemtsov was detained on December 31, 2010 after the end of a rally agreed with the Moscow authorities on Triumfalnaya Square as part of the Strategy-31 campaign. By the ruling of the magistrate of the Tverskoy district of Moscow, Borovkova O. Yu. Nemtsov was found guilty of committing an administrative offense provided for in part 1 of Article 19.3 of the Administrative Code of the Russian Federation (disobedience to a lawful order or demand of a police officer, serviceman or employee of a body or institution of the penal by their fulfillment of their duties to protect public order and ensure public safety, as well as obstructing the performance of their official duties), a punishment was imposed in the form of administrative arrest for a period of 15 days.
According to Lyudmila Alekseeva, who was present at the trial, as well as statements by numerous witnesses to the detention of Boris Nemtsov, the charges against him were falsified, and the court's decision was unjust. Lyudmila Alekseeva said on the air of Ekho Moskvy that from now on human rights activists will begin to prosecute police officers who give false testimony at trials of participants in civil rallies and demonstrations.
On January 4, 2011, the international human rights organization Amnesty International recognized Boris Nemtsov as a prisoner of conscience. Ilya Yashin and Konstantin Kosyakin, detained and subsequently convicted together with Boris Nemtsov, were also recognized as prisoners of conscience.
In July 2014, the European Court of Human Rights found that Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees freedom of assembly, had been violated in relation to Nemtsov. The court considered that the administrative detention of Nemtsov and his arrest were unlawful and pursued goals unrelated to the grounds for deprivation of liberty relied on by the authorities. The court ruled to pay Nemtsov compensation in the amount of 28.5 thousand euros (26 thousand for non-pecuniary damage and 2.5 reimbursement of legal costs).
Since 2010, Nemtsov has been actively promoting the adoption in the European Union and the United States of the "Magnitsky list"imposing personal sanctions against those responsible for violations of human rights and the rule of law. On November 16, 2010, Nemtsov addressed the US Congress at an evening in memory of Sergei Magnitsky after Senator Cardin, the author of the bill. Nemtsov proposed simultaneously with the adoption of the list to cancel the obsolete Jackson-Venik amendment with regard to Russia.
On February 16, 2012, Nemtsov handed over the “Nemtsov’s list” to the MEP, the initiator of the resolution “On the rule of law in Russia” Christine Ojuland, as an addition to the “Magnitsky list” and “Khodorkovsky's list”. The list includes 11 names: from Vladimir Putin to Vasily Yakemenko.
