Boris efimovich nemtsov biography nationality. Boris Nemtsov - biography, information, personal life. Boris Nemtsov and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine

Boris Efimovich Nemtsov is a well-known Russian politician, statesman and public figure, businessman. Over the course of his career, Nemtsov has achieved tremendous success in Russian domestic politics, and in the foreign policy arena, many foreign leaders marveled at his resilience and desire for change. In 2015, the Ukrainian president called Boris Nemtsov "a connecting bridge between Ukraine and Russia."

Childhood and youth

Boris Nemtsov was born on October 9, 1959 in the city of Sochi. Father Efim Davidovich was an official. Mother Dina Yakovlevna Eidman is a doctor. Boris spent the first eight years of his life in his hometown, but soon went with his mother and sister Yulia to Gorky (now Nizhny Novgorod). Despite the separation of his parents, the boy continued to communicate a lot with his father, who helped the family financially and often took his son to the capital of the Soviet state.

Baby photos

The future politician graduated from school with a gold medal, and soon entered the Gorky State University, where he began his successful studies at the Faculty of Radiophysics. After graduation, Nemtsov decided to work as a research assistant. At that time, he dabbled in literature, wrote poetry and short stories under the pseudonym Ben Eydman, constantly moonlighting as an English tutor.

In 1985, Boris Nemtsov initially completely plunged into science, working in various research institutes. The man became a candidate of physical and mathematical sciences, in his "piggy bank" already by 1986 there are more than 60 scientific papers on physics, acoustics and thermodynamics.

In his youth | Our newspaper

It was assumed that interest in scientific activity would become the basis for his further professional growth in this area, but that all changed in 1988, when Nemtsov joined the environmental movement. The members of the association opposed the construction of the Gorky nuclear heat supply station (as a result, the construction of the facility was stopped). From that moment on, politics became the main component of Boris Nemtsov's life.

Political career

The fight against the construction of a large strategic facility was the beginning of Boris Nemtsov's political career. In 1989, the novice politician was nominated as a candidate for People's Deputies of the USSR from the regional society "For Atomic Safety", but the representatives of the election commission did not register him.

In 1990, Boris Nemtsov entered the election campaign, taking an active part in the creation of a new political association "Candidates for Democracy". As a result, he managed to win the elections and became a people's deputy of the RSFSR. In addition, he was a member of the deputy groups “Russian Union”, “Non-Party Deputies” and “Smena”.

In the State Duma | Zampolit

The year 1991 can be called a certain breakthrough in the career of Boris Efimovich. He becomes the confidant of the candidate for the presidency of Russia. The powers of the new representative of the head of the Russian Federation extended to the territory of the entire Nizhny Novgorod region. In August of the same year, a well-known official, being with his family on vacation in the Russian capital, takes part in the defense of the White House.

On November 30, 1991, Nemtsov was appointed head of the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, becoming the country's youngest leader of such a high level. During his tenure as governor, he managed to implement quite successful programs on the Russian territory entrusted to him. In particular, Nemtsov's list of successful initiatives includes the Meter by Meter program (initiatives to reform the housing conditions for military personnel), as well as Narodny Telefon, Gasification of Villages and ZERNO.

With Boris Yeltsin | Mirtesen

As governor, Boris Efimovich has repeatedly criticized the economic program of the chairman of the RSFSR government, but in the future the politician will still appreciate the efforts of an economist who tried to stop the process of destruction of economic sectors of the not so long ago all-powerful Soviet Union.

Nemtsov argued that the reforms were not fully implemented, and he considered the government's inaction as a manifestation of weakness. Thus, he decides in December 1991 to invite Grigory Yavlinsky to the Nizhny Novgorod region to organize the economic reform of the region. In 1992, Yavlinsky, heading the research institute Center for Economic and Political Research "EPIcenter", developed together with Nemtsov a large-scale program of regional reforms.

Photo of the politician | God-nemtsova.ru

In December 1993, residents of the Nizhny Novgorod region elect their governor to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, and in February 1994 he becomes a member of the Federation Council committee on currency and credit regulation.

In 1995, Nemtsov again became the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region. At that time, Boris Efimovich had a reputation as a progressive reformer, and his considerable experience in restructuring the economic sectors of a particular region in the government was recommended to be introduced in all municipalities of the state. Reform thinking, assertiveness, effectiveness of program implementation and successful implementation of ideas in practice have become a kind of meaningful combination of factors that made many citizens believe that it was Boris Efimovich who could become that meaningful force for Russia that would lead the country to prosperity.

It should be noted that during his governorship, Nemtsov became a well-known media character due to the squabble with the leader of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia on the live television broadcast of ORT. During the telecast, Zhirinovsky doused his opponent with mango juice.

In 1996, Boris Nemtsov, taking the initiative, organized a collection of signatures in the Nizhny Novgorod region for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. These signatures were submitted to President Yeltsin for consideration.

In March 1997, Nemtsov already holds the post of first deputy prime minister in the government. In his new position, Boris Efimovich began to supervise the social block, and also exercised control in the field of natural monopolies. He has repeatedly proposed introducing new programs that could completely change the state of affairs in the country, laying a powerful foundation for the development of the entire socio-economic sector in the future.

MP | THEHZ.ru

In the spring of 1998, a large-scale reorganization of the government took place, Sergei Kirienko became the head of the Cabinet. Despite significant changes, Nemtsov continues to oversee the financial and economic block, he is still entrusted with the most important tasks in the financial sector. After a default in August 1998, the Cabinet of Ministers of Russia resigns, Boris Nemtsov leaves the post of Deputy Prime Minister.

Opposition

As deputy chairman of the government, Boris Yefimovich was remembered by citizens for his call to transfer all Russian officials to vehicles of domestic production. Thirteen years later, a similar proposal was made by the former president of the Russian Federation, but Nemtsov, being already the main oppositionist to the current government, called this idea "stale and unpromising."

Saying goodbye to the executive branch, Nemtsov created the Young Russia movement. In 1999, he was elected to the State Duma as part of the Union of Right Forces electoral bloc. On March 1, 2000, Boris Efimovich was elected from this faction as deputy chairman of the Russian parliament.

Oppositionist | TRANSLATION

In December 2003, the "Union of Right Forces" in the elections did not receive the necessary support of voters, not getting into the State Duma of the IV convocation. In 2004, Nemtsov resigned along with other co-chairmen of the political council, explaining this situation as a failure in the elections.

Even before his resignation from the post of co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces, Nemtsov was one of the main founders of the organization “Committee 2008: Free Choice”, a chess player became the leader. The goal of the organization was to consolidate all liberal forces on a single platform for further effective activities in the political arena. Boris assumed that such an initiative would help change the vector of the state's development precisely due to radical changes in the structure of public administration at the highest level.

With Garry Kasparov | Vedomosti

In the fall of 2004, Boris Nemtsov supported the supporters of the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. He took an active part in protests on the Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kiev. The Russian politician welcomed the victory of the Ukrainian "right" and expressed his readiness to support them in their efforts to extend their vision of change to Russia. On the main square of the country, Ukrainian citizens greeted Nemtsov's speeches.

In his speech, he repeatedly stated his readiness to hold similar actions in the Russian Federation. His vision of the development of the Russian state was not perceived at home. This often became the reason for criticism of Nemtsov in the Russian Federation, but the politician continued to work, trying to realize his own ambitious plans. From 2005 to 2006, Nemtsov served as a freelance advisor to the President of Ukraine. Viktor Yushchenko, who was the head of the Ukrainian state, then said that "Nemtsov's advice was not fateful, but he did everything he could."

Photo of the politician | Air force

In March 2007, Boris Efimovich welcomed the results of the next parliamentary elections with the participation of the Union of Right Forces, since the party was able to overcome the 7% barrier in six of the nine regions. In September 2007, Nemtsov entered the top three list of political forces, but did not become a State Duma deputy, since the party gained only 0.96% of the vote.

In 2007, Boris Nemtsov ran for the post of head of the Russian Federation, but according to the results of the vote, the politician could not get even 1% of the votes of citizens. After that, harsh criticism poured in the address of the politician: some politicians spoke negatively about the results of his work in the political sphere. In the same year, Boris Nemtsov's book "Confessions of a Rebel" was published.

In February 2008, Nemtsov announced that he was suspending his membership in the Union of Right Forces. The politician refused to explain such a decision, but specified that he intends to continue to cooperate with the party in various directions. Yet despite his efforts, the political association ceases to exist.

At a rally of the Solidarity movement | Interfax

In 2008, the famous politician, together with his colleagues, decided to organize a new opposition movement "Solidarity". The decision to organize the political force was made at the St. Petersburg conference "A New Agenda for the Democratic Movement." He also took part in the creation of conferences on Solidarity in Moscow, Krasnodar, Irkutsk, Ufa and Nizhny Novgorod. Kasparov and Nemtsov become leaders of Solidarity.

In 2009, Nemtsov was announced as a candidate for mayor of the future capital of the 2014 Winter Olympics - the city of Sochi. Nemtsov lost the elections in April 2009, finishing in second place.

In 2010, Nemtsov takes part in the creation of the opposition coalition "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption." On the basis of a new political platform, it was decided to organize an effective party to win the parliamentary elections. It was established in December 2010 as the Party of People's Freedom (PARNAS). The opposition has high hopes for the new political force, but PARNAS was denied registration in 2011.

Arrest on Triumfalnaya Square | Аpinews.ru

On December 31, 2010, Boris Nemtsov, together with Ilya Yashin (Nemtsov's associate in Solidarity), were detained by police officers on Triumfalnaya Square after speaking at a rally, which had previously been coordinated with the capital's mayor's office without much confrontation. Law enforcers accused Nemtsov of violating public order, he served 15 days of arrest.

The last years of Boris Nemtsov's life were remembered for the constant criminal proceedings. In 2012, he was charged with beating the blogger Maxim Perevalov, but the trial was completed, and the video in which Nemtsov allegedly beats Perevalov at Domodedovo turned out to be irrelevant, since the blogger confused the policy at the airport with another person. It turned out that the well-known politician was not involved at all in the incident.

March for Peace in 2014 | PARNASSUS

In 2014, Nemtsov declared that he was a supporter of the Kiev Euromaidan, sharply criticizing further Russia's policy towards Ukraine.

On March 1, 2015 in Russia, he was going to take part in the opposition protest march "Vesna".

Personal life

Boris Efimovich was married. With his wife, they lived separately during the last years of their marriage. Raisa Akhmetovna worked as a librarian. Nemtsov has a daughter from this marriage (she was born in 1984). In 2005, the girl decided to follow in her father's footsteps and ran for elections to the Moscow City Duma. Despite support from five political parties, Zhanna lost the election.

With his wife Raisa | Evening Moscow

Nemtsov also has children from journalist Ekaterina Odintsova: son - Anton, daughter - Dina. In 2004, a daughter, Sofia, was born from Irina Koroleva, who served as his secretary.

With Ekaterina Odintsova | KP

Another lover of Nemtsov was Anastasia Ogneva, whom the politician met in 2012. He dated her for over three years.

Many accused Nemtsov of excessive attention to the representatives of the beautiful half of humanity, but he has repeatedly stated that women have always simply loved him, and men were jealous of this state of affairs.

With Anna Duritskaya

The last love of the politician was the Ukrainian model.

Nemtsov loved sports. In his free time, he liked to play tennis, which he has been doing since 1979, was fond of windsurfing.

Murder

The night from 27 to 28 February 2015 was the last for the Russian oppositionist. At 23:40 (Moscow time) the politician.

The murder of Boris Nemtsov took place on the Bolshoi Moskvoretsky Bridge, when he was walking with the Ukrainian model Anna Duritskaya. The criminals shot the politician, hiding from the scene of the murder in a white car (this was recorded by local surveillance cameras). The President of the Russian Federation noted that the high-profile murder was "ordered and provocative in nature."

Photo from the murder scene | Evening Moscow

The assassination of Boris Nemtsov took place right on the eve of the opposition march, scheduled for March 1, 2015. Thus, the opposition march "Spring" was one of the last projects of Nemtsov, since the public figure until the last moment remained the organizer of the march. Due to the fact that the Vesna march was moved to one of the most densely populated metropolitan areas of Maryino, some oppositionists refused to take part in it, but the well-known Russian politician was not going to stop, calling the demands of the future action “more important than the location of the opposition march ".

The head of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin took the investigation of the crime under special control. Law enforcement officers began to carry out operational investigative measures.

Photo from the murder scene | LB.ua

The death of Nemtsov stirred up the world community. Foreign political and public figures, having learned about the murder of a Russian opposition politician, called on the Russian authorities to bring the investigation to its logical conclusion. Many in the world have declared that it is a matter of honor for the entire state system of the Russian Federation to find the organizers and executors of the massacre.

Putin immediately ordered the law enforcement agencies to create a joint group of the RF IC, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the FSB to investigate the circumstances of the terrible crime. In turn, the government also employed the best specialists to find out all the details of what happened.

Photo of the politician | What's happening?

Friends and associates of Nemtsov were shocked by the tragedy. In particular, a well-known Russian TV presenter in her Instagram account reacted extremely painfully to the death of the politician, writing that Boris was "an honest, sparkling, bright person who lived quickly and died like a real fighter."

Investigation into the murder of Boris Nemtsov

In 2016, representatives of the RF IC completed an investigation into the murder of Boris Nemtsov. According to the investigation, the customers offered 15 million rubles to the accused for the reprisal against the politician.

The politician's killer was not alone. Shadid Gubashev, Temirlan Eskerkhanov, Zaur Dadaev, Anzor Gubashev and Khamzat Bakhaev are five defendants in this case.

Defendants in the Murder Case | Newstes.ru

Law enforcers found out that a group of murderers carefully prepared to commit an atrocity, studying the lifestyle of a politician, his place of residence, and conducted covert surveillance. Former officer of the Chechen battalion "Sever" Ruslan Mukhudinov was named by the investigating authorities as the person who ordered the murder. According to the investigators, in September 2014 it was Ruslan Mukhudinov and other persons who offered the perpetrators 15 million rubles for the murder of Boris Nemtsov. Mukhudinov has been on the international wanted list since November 2015.

Caucasian Knot

On January 20, 2016, it was announced that Nemtsov's murder had been solved. The involvement of all the accused is confirmed by the results of 70 complex forensic examinations.

Films about Nemtsov

After the assassination of the famous statesman, many representatives of the film industry decided to tell about his life in their films.

In 2015, director Zosia Rodkevich made the film My Friend Boris Nemtsov. In this documentary, the author presented her view of the life of a famous Russian statesman.

In 2017, another film about Nemtsov, titled "Too Free Man", will also be released. Here we will talk about his political biography. The director of the film is Vera Krichevskaya.

Latest photos of the politician | MMR

Nemtsov's words that freedom is expensive clearly demonstrate how a politician adhered to his own values \u200b\u200bthroughout his life. For many Russians, Nemtsov is associated precisely with the freedom that he took with him on February 28, 2015.

"Freedom is when you do not feel guilty for all the troubles that occur in the vastness of our vast homeland, and you are responsible only for yourself and your loved ones."

See all photos

Name: Boris Nemtsov

Middle name: Efimovich

Place of Birth: sochi

Cause of death: discover murder

Burial place: discover Moscow, Troekurovskoe cemetery

Growth: 195 cm

Zodiac sign: Libra ()

Eastern horoscope: Boar

Career: Politicians

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Biography of Boris Nemtsov

Boris Nemtsov is a Russian politician and public figure, whose career dawned during the reign of Boris Yeltsin, in the last years of his life he was engaged in opposition activities, denouncing the ruling elite.

Childhood of Boris Nemtsov

Boris's homeland is the city of Sochi. The boy's mother was a pediatrician, and his father worked as a deputy head of the construction department. After spending his childhood on the seashore, he went to study in the city of Gorky.

Boris entered the university at the Faculty of Radiophysics, which he graduated in 1981. After university, he was assigned to the city's radio engineering research institute, where he defended his dissertation. As a scientist, Nemtsov showed great hopes and could well have defended his doctoral thesis, but already at that time he was more interested in politics than science.

The beginning of the career of Boris Nemtsov

In 1988, Boris's mother led a movement against the launch of the nuclear power plant in Gorky. Nemtsova, as a doctor, understood the danger of radiation, because she more than once treated people with leukemia. Boris was actively involved in this movement. As Boris later admitted in his interviews, it was his mother who dragged him into politics.

Soon the young scientist became so popular that in 1989 he was nominated as a candidate for deputy of the USSR. Further, his career went rapidly. In 1990 he became a deputy of the RSFSR in the Gorky District.

The coup, which took place in August 1991, played an important role in the political fate of Nemtsov. In those days, he accidentally ended up in the capital, spending a vacation there with his family. Nemtsov could not stand aside and took part in the defense of the White House, supporting Boris Yeltsin, who later did not forget this.

Career takeoff: Nemtsov is the governor

Good personal relations with Boris Nikolayevich helped Nemtsov make a fast career - he became the president's confidant in the Nizhny Novgorod region, a few months later he already headed the regional administration, then the governor, and almost two years later he became a parliamentarian. In the Federation Council, he was the representative of the Nizhny Novgorod region. The politician enjoyed the trust and popularity in his field, thanks to which he won the gubernatorial elections again. This was in 1995.

However, there were excesses in his career. So, in a live broadcast with Vladimir Zhirinovsky, after heated arguments, politicians began to pour juice on each other and throw glasses. After this incident, Nemtsov's popularity only increased. The press called the politician one of the most independent and independent regional leaders.

Zhirinovsky pours juice over Nemtsov

Boris Nemtsov's work in Moscow

He left the governor's post in 1997, becoming the First Deputy Prime Minister of the Federal Government. His responsibilities included overseeing housing and communal services, the social block and construction, he controlled antimonopoly policy and natural monopolies.

From April to November 1997, Nemtsov also simultaneously held the post of Minister of Fuel and Industry, becoming the youngest minister in the government. Many people still remember the advertised initiative to transplant all officials into the domestic "Volga", which did not give any results.

Boris Nemtsov answers a sensitive question

In the spring of 1998, the politician was transferred to the financial and economic block. The August default affected the position of the politician, he became the acting Deputy Prime Minister of Russia.

Boris Nemtsov's departure from the government

According to Nemtsov, the transition to the government turned out to be a big mistake - he lost the opportunity to move on. The politician resigned and directed his efforts to create the Young Russia movement. A little later, it entered the Union of Right Forces (SPS), from which the politician became a State Duma deputy and received the post of deputy chairman in the lower house of parliament. After Nemtsov, this post was taken by Irina Khakamada.

In 2000, Nemtsov became the head of the Duma faction. The Union of Right Forces lost the 2003 Duma elections. Nemtsov took the blame for this loss on himself. The politician decided to go into business. At the Neftyanoy concern, he took over as chairman of the board of directors.

Boris Nemtsov: the last years of his life

In 2004, Boris Nemtsov openly supported the Orange Revolution that took place in Ukraine, after which he became an unofficial adviser to the Ukrainian president.

To participate in the presidential elections in Russia in 2008, the Union of Right Forces nominated Boris Efimovich, but his rating was less than one percent. Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy even before the start of the campaign. In the same year, the politician announced the termination of his membership in the Union of Right Forces.

In the fall of 2008, the Union of Right Forces was disbanded, at the same time a new party, Right Cause, was organized. Nemtsov was against the dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, he did not want to participate in Pravoye Delo. Instead, he became one of the founders of the opposition democratic movement Solidarity.

In 2009, the politician put forward his candidacy for the post of mayor of the city of Sochi. Many considered it a PR action. In the elections, Nemtsov took second place, gaining a little less than fourteen percent.

In 2012, Boris Nemtsov became the co-chairman of the political party "Republican Party of Russia - Party of People's Freedom" (RPR-PARNAS). From this party, he put forward his candidacy in the elections to the Yaroslavl Regional Duma on September 8, 2013 and was elected a deputy.

Boris Nemtsov openly criticized the policies of Vladimir Putin, becoming the author of anti-corruption reports: “Putin. Results. 10 years ”,“ Putin. Corruption". He was also one of the initiators and an active participant in the March of Dissent in 2007, Strategy-31, protest rallies For Fair Elections in 2011-2013, and marches against hostilities in Ukraine (2014-2015).

Personal life of Boris Nemtsov

The first and only official wife of the politician - Raisa Akhmetovna Nemtsova - is not a public person. This marriage gave Nemtsov a daughter, Zhanna, who was able to become an independent and significant figure. She is known as a talented journalist, public figure and TV presenter (from 2007 to 2015 she worked on the RBK TV channel).

Boris Efimovich has a son and a daughter, whom journalist Ekaterina Odintsova gave birth to. He met her in Nizhny Novgorod. Son Anton was born in 1995, and daughter Diana in 2002.

"Nemtsov with common-law wife Ekaterina Odintsova, son Anton and daughter Dina

In 2004, the politician became a father for the fourth time: his secretary Irina Koroleva, who previously worked in the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, gave birth to his daughter Sofia.

Death of Boris Nemtsov

On the night of February 27-28, 2015, Boris Nemtsov was shot dead in Moscow, near Vasilievsky Spusk. Unknown killers shot the politician in the back four times. He died on the spot from his wounds. He was 55 years old.

At the time of his death, Nemtsov was walking with his girlfriend, model Anna Duritskaya. The girl did not suffer as a result. It was not possible to detain the criminals hot on the trail.

Khakamada suggested who could benefit from Nemtsov's death

Boris Nemtsov was buried on March 3 at the Troekurovsky cemetery, where the funeral service had previously taken place. Farewell and civil funeral service was held at the Sakharov Center.

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Who was the prominent opposition Russian politician and public figure who was recently killed in the very center of the capital for the history of our country? Since versions biographies of Boris Nemtsov on Wikipedia - are constantly changing, we consider it necessary to acquaint you with our dossier on the deceased.
- the failed successor to the first president of post-Soviet Russia, Boris Yeltsin, who later played the role of a kind of "father of Russian democracy." Boris Efimovich Nemtsov In the "dashing nineties" he also visited the head of the Nizhny Novgorod province and the deputy chairman of the Government of Russia. Then he spent some time in the shoes of a businessman.

Biography of Boris Nemtsov

Not enjoying significant popularity in the country in the last period of his life, he tried to stay afloat as one of the leaders of a liberal political group.
Being in the leadership of the RPR-PARNAS party, as a result of cunning political intrigues "squeezed" from Vladimir Ryzhkov, he spoke out for the support of Alexei Navalny, the only popular politician in this political segment. There is an opinion that by doing this he is trying to keep his beloved afloat by attaching himself to the strong figure of Alexei Navalny. In recent years, he was a member of the Bureau of the Federal Political Council of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" (since 2008), co-chairman of the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption."

Boris Efimovich Nemtsov (October 9, 1959, Sochi - February 27, 2015, Moscow) - Russian politician and statesman, deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma of the sixth convocation, one of the founders and leaders of the ODD "Solidarity", co-chairman of the political party "RPR-PARNAS", member of the Coordination Council of the Russian opposition.
In the period 1991-1997 Nemtsov was the first governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region. Then he moved to work in the Russian Government as Minister of Fuel and Energy (1997) and First Deputy Chairman of the Russian Government (1997-1998). In 1997-1998 he was a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.
At the time of his work as governor and deputy prime minister, he was the youngest Russian politician in such high positions (in April 1998 this kind of "record" was broken by the appointment of Sergei Kiriyenko as Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation).
In 1998 he created the liberal movement Young Russia, which later became one of the founders of the Just Cause coalition (1998-2000) and the Union of Right Forces party. several times was elected to the Russian parliament, in 1990 he was elected as a people's deputy of the RSFSR, in 1993 he was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, in 1995-1997 he was a member of the Federation Council as governor.
In 1999-2003 - Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, where he held the posts of deputy chairman of the State Duma and head of the Union of Right Forces faction. After 2003, he worked in business and was a freelance advisor to the President of Ukraine.

After the split in the "Union of Right Forces" (when members of the same party decided to unite in the "Right Cause") in 2008 Nemtsov was one of the initiators of the creation of the opposition democratic movement "Solidarity".
In 2009, with the support of Solidarity, he was nominated for the post of mayor of Sochi and took 2nd place in the elections after the candidate from the ruling party. Since 2012 Nemtsov He was a co-chairman of the political party "Republican Party of Russia - Party of People's Freedom" (RPR-PARNAS). known for publishing a number of reports on corruption, as well as one of the organizers and participants of the "Marches of Dissent" (2007), "Strategy-31", protest rallies "For Fair Elections" (2011-2013) and marches against hostilities in Ukraine ( 2014-2015). In the regional elections on September 8, 2013, he was elected a deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma at the head of the RPR-Parnas party list. was shot dead on the night of February 27-28, 2015 in Moscow.

The origin of Boris Nemtsov

Born on October 9, 1959 in Sochi in the family of the deputy head of the construction headquarters Efim Davydovich Nemtsov (b. 1925) and pediatrician, honored doctor of Russia Dina Yakovlevna Eidman (b. 1928). Later in the TV show "Two against one" he said that "Jewish blood flows" in it. From memories Nemtsov, his paternal grandmother was Russian and in childhood baptized him in secret from his Jewish mother, which caused her great displeasure.

Education and early years of Boris Nemtsov

He studied in Gorky, where he received secondary and higher education. In 1976 he entered the Faculty of Radiophysics of the Gorky State University. NI Lobachevsky, where his maternal uncle Vilen Yakovlevich Eydman taught. Cousin nemtsov's brother, the son of Vilen Eidman - Igor Eidman also studied at the Gorky University, in 1997 he moved to Moscow.

Then he worked in research institutes. He was engaged in problems of plasma physics, acoustics and hydrodynamics. In 1985, together with his uncle, he co-authored VV Kurin in the article "Harbinger and side waves in the reflection of impulses from the interface between two media." In 1985 he defended his thesis and received the degree of candidate of physical and mathematical sciences (topic: "Coherent effects of the interaction of moving sources with radiation").
In those years he worked as an English tutor. He also tried himself in literature - namely: he wrote poetry and short stories under the pseudonym Ben Eydman.
In March 1990, he was elected People's Deputy of the RSFSR in the Gorky National-Territorial District, was a member of the "Reform Coalition" bloc and the "Left Center - Cooperation" faction.

During the presidential elections in Russia in 1991, he was Boris Yeltsin's confidant in the Nizhny Novgorod region. From August 27, 1991 to April 18, 1994, he was the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Nizhny Novgorod Region.
On November 30, 1991, a decree of the President of the RSFSR was signed on appointment of Nemtsov head of the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region. In 1993 he was elected to the Federation Council, his election campaign, as the newspaper Kommersant wrote, was financed by a businessman with a prison past, Andrei Klimentyev.

Boris Nemtsov's activities in the banking sector and its consequences (loss of assets by Russia)

In 1994, the Bank of New York transferred $ 2 million to the Nizhny Novgorod region, the operation was carried out by an American banker of Russian origin Natalia Gurfinkel-Kagalovskaya. The transfer was declared erroneous, but the bank "Nizhegorodets", which was in a state of bankruptcy, used this money and paid off the creditors with it. The US Embassy in Russia turned to Nemtsov, who, according to the Prosecutor General's Office, instructed the director of a large Nizhny Novgorod state-owned enterprise Nizhpoligraf to take a $ 3.5 million loan from an Inkombank branch on the security of his new administrative building, which, being federal property, was not subject to privatization. However, thanks to the actions of Anatoly Chubais, who was then the head of the State Property Committee, the deal was completed.

From the loan received, according to the investigation, $ 2 million was transferred to the Bank of New York. However, the loan was not returned, and the mortgaged building became the property of Inkombank. At the beginning of 1998, a criminal case was opened on the fact of illegal alienation of federal property, investigators conducted interrogation of Nemtsov.
In 1997 a former advisor Nemtsov with a criminal past, Andrei Klimentiev at the new trial said that Nemtsov first asked him to pay the Bank of New York a debt of $ 2 million. However, since Klimentyev did not have free money, he turned to Nizhpoligraf. "Rossiyskaya Gazeta" wrote in 2003 that the cost of the mortgaged building is 10 times higher than the mortgage and " boris Nemtsov scamcan cost the state $ 30-40 million. "

Links and courts of Boris Nemtsov with Andrey Klimentyev

According to the business publication "Kommersant", the election campaign Boris Nemtsov in the elections to the Federation Council was financed by the previously convicted Andrey Klimentiev, with whom Nemtsov has been familiar since the 1980s. On Boris Nemtsov and another candidate Klimentiev spent 100 million rubles Klimentyev entered Nemtsov's inner circle, becoming his adviser. As Nezavisimaya Gazeta wrote, “Klimentyev was not only a friend and advisor for a long time governor Boris Nemtsov, but was actually the main Nizhny Novgorod businessman, largely determining economic policy of Nemtsov».
On January 20, 1994, the Russian Ministry of Finance and the Oka Navashinsky shipyard, which was then state-owned, signed a loan agreement for $ 30 million. Part of the loan in the amount of $ 18 million was transferred to the plant for targeted expenses, the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region became the guarantor of the loan repayment.

In the summer of 1994, during privatization, Andrei Klimentiev bought a 30% stake in the Oka plant, and in January 1995 he became a member of the plant's board of directors. The regional administration did not control the spending of the loan allocated to the plant and part of the funds was spent inappropriately.
In early 1995, initiated by Boris Nemtsov The prosecutor's office opened a criminal case against Andrei Klimentyev, testified for the prosecution in court. Klimentyev and the director of the plant, Kislyakov, were found guilty of embezzling $ 2 million 462 thousand, but the verdict was later overturned by the Supreme Court, which fully acquitted the businessmen.
In 1998, Klimentyev was again tried in this case, found guilty, and he was sentenced to 6 years in prison.
Klimentyev, in turn, accused Boris Nemtsov in receiving and extorting bribes, stating also that the criminal case is revenge on the part of Nemtsov... So, according to Klimentyev, he asked him to pay the American Bank of New York a debt of $ 2 million for the Nizhegorodets bank, hoping to receive $ 400 thousand from the transfer. In addition, as Klimentiev said, he wanted to receive 800 thousand dollars for helping the plant in obtaining a loan. Nemtsov himself called Klimentiev's accusations slander. As Alexander Prudnik, a senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote, the arrest of Klimentyev "can be considered the first experience in Russia in introducing penitentiary technologies into the political, elective reality."

Boris Nemtsov's connections with B. Brevnov

Since 1992 Economic Advisor Nemtsov a young businessman Boris Brevnov, whom he later described as a "talented person", began to work.
In March 1992, Yegor Gaidar signed a government decree authorizing Boris Nemtsov create a conversion fund. The money transferred to this fund was transferred to the account of the Nizhny Novgorod Banking House, a commercial bank created with government funds. In the same year, Brevnov with permission Nemtsov became the chairman of the bank's board. In 1997, Brevnov was elected chairman of its board of directors. The Bank established a subsidiary LLC Region, which was owned by Brevnov. According to the head of the working commission of the State Duma Vladimir Semago, significant amounts were transferred to Region LLC.
The bank was involved in the case of embezzlement of the state loan to the Navashinsky shipyard "Oka". As editor-in-chief of the newspaper Promyshlennye Vedomosti Moisei Gelman wrote, “manipulations Nemtsov and Brevnov with budget money, among other things, led to the collapse of the Navashinsky shipyard itself, and, consequently, to unemployment in this city. "
In 1992, in his own words, he introduced Brevnov to a US citizen, Gretchen Wilson, an employee of the International Finance Corporation. In 1997, Brevnov and Wilson were married. As Novaya Gazeta wrote, Wilson, using Nemtsov “She privatized the largest Balakhna paper mill for only seven million dollars (the real price of a unique mill is dozens of times higher than this price).
Everything that was possible was sucked out of the plant, and then it was destroyed, creating unbearable conditions for the workers. " The Balakhna plant was bought for $ 7 million by the American bank CS First Boston (whose Moscow branch was headed by Boris Yordan). Andrey Klimentiev, formerly an advisor Nemtsov, said that the annual turnover of the plant was $ 250 million, and CS First Boston bank later organized trips Nemtsov to Swiss Davos. In his book "Confessions of a Rebel" Wilson called "a very sensible woman" who "did a lot for the Nizhny Novgorod region."
Later when Nemtsov moved to work in the Russian government, Brevnov, under his patronage, becomes the chairman of the board of RAO "UES of Russia".

Boris Nemtsov's activities as the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region

In December 1995, at the elections in the Nizhny Novgorod region, he was elected governor. The newspaper "Kommersant" wrote that in 1995 he "gained a resounding reputation as a reformer," whose experience in restructuring the economy of a particular region was recommended by the government everywhere.
At the beginning of 1996 boris Nemtsov's initiative In the Nizhny Novgorod region, signatures were collected for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. On January 29, 1996, these signatures were handed over to President Yeltsin.
In his work "The History of Contemporary Russian Journalism" Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor of the Department of Printing, Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov Rafail Hovsepyan wrote: All mass media reported on a truly mass action carried out by the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region B. Nemtsov... He presented the President with a million signatures from Nizhny Novgorod residents demanding an end to the war in Chechnya. The action of Nizhny Novgorod residents was supported by many regions of the country.
In the spring of 1996, an initiative group was nominated as a candidate for the post of President of Russia, but refused to participate in the elections.
In 1996, the opinion of Olga Senatova, chief specialist of the State Committee for Federation and Nationalities of the Russian Federation, was published in a publication edited by Academician Tatiana Zaslavskaya. O. Senatova characterized the Boris Nemtsov regime as authoritarian. According to O. Senatova, in the absence of control from the federal center (from 1991 to 1994, he combined the posts of head of administration and representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the region), Nemtsov established total control over the media, which impeded the activities of the opposition and contributed to the formation of an absolutely controlled legislative body - more than 60%, according to Senatova, were executive functionaries at all levels.

According to O. Senatova, “the displacement of structures and persons from local politics has led to an inadequately large number of Nizhny Novgorod residents in the federal lists of parties and movements” - the personalities ousted from local politics “rushed” to the federal level. Nemtsov patronized by the federal center, which greatly contributed to the inflow of investments into the region. According to O. Senatova, he provided patronage to a number of commercial firms (Aroko firm, Boris Brevnov's Nizhegorodsky Bankersky Dom bank, etc.), at the same time complicating the activities of foreign or independent small companies. According to O. Senatova, the combination of a fairly effective domestic policy with the work of the "propaganda machine" provided Nemtsov high popularity among the population.
The President of the Nizhny Novgorod Research Foundation, Sergei Borisov, in his study "The Actual Political Regime in the Nizhny Novgorod Region: Formation in the 1990s" calls one of the "most natural consequences of the authoritarianization of the political regime" Nemtsov by the end of 1993, an "informal alliance of individual representatives of the most influential, elite corporations": the executive and legislative branches of government, local "siloviki", entrepreneurs and heads of the media.

Borisov noted the following features characteristic of the regime of regional authoritarianism (as Borisov wrote, “in the very set of these features of the regime of regional authoritarianism, the Nizhny Novgorod region was no exception”):
* "Domination of the executive over the representative at all levels";
* "The prevalence of the corporatism principle in the code of conduct for the subjects of political relations";
* “Allowing the authorities to strengthen other centers of economic and political influence within strictly controlled limits”;
* "Direct or indirect control over regional media, primarily electronic";
* "A stable contract with the central government, which includes formal and informal guarantees of mutual loyalty";
* "Widespread use of populist tools in relations with the population."

According to Borisov, a liberal-populist version of such a regime has been implemented in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Alternative poles of political influence outside the ruling hierarchy were not suppressed by the administration governor Nemtsov, however, their possible strengthening was under close scrutiny and was limited, as Sergei Borisov wrote, using a variety of means. The activities of representative bodies of power were also pushed aside by the administration of the governor from the epicenter of the political process.
At the same time, as Borisov wrote, the political opposition was not perceived by the governor as something necessarily hostile, and was surrounded by "an atmosphere of certain tolerance." The governor's political rivals were pushed to the periphery of public life not by means of apparatus pressure, but by methods of public policy.

Nikolai Raspopov, Candidate of Historical Sciences, wrote that “the regime Boris Nemtsov"Was characterized by many experts as close to authoritarian."
Aleksandr Prudnik, an employee of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote that the events after January 1994 in the history of the Nizhny Novgorod region "represent the technology of intuitive development of new elements of controlled democracy." According to Prudnik, "he blocked the path to the desired future for many talented Nizhny Novgorod residents - both a new generation of politicians and a new generation of entrepreneurs."
The collection of scientific papers of the Moscow Public Science Foundation stated that “the style of political leadership Nemtsov can be characterized as intuitive, improvisational and moderately authoritarian. "

The study by Sergei Borisov said that during the period governorship of Boris Nemtsov in the Nizhny Novgorod region there was a rapid development of the mass media. The number of city and regional newspapers doubled, changes took place in television air - by the beginning of 1997, seven television companies were already operating in Nizhny Novgorod on six local channels. Borisov wrote that during the governorship Nemtsov there were no relapses (or surrogates) of censorship in the region, he spoke of the “unprecedented openness of the regional administration,” for example, journalists had free access to weekly operational meetings of the governor’s administration, and there was no accreditation procedure at all.
Danila Galperovich, a correspondent for the BBC Russian Service, called the Nizhny Novgorod region a "journalistic paradise":
The city of not frightened journalists - this is how Nizhny Novgorod was called in the mid-1990s for the freedom that was granted to local sharks with a pen and a TV camera by the Nizhny Novgorod governor Boris Nemtsov... - “Journalistic paradise in Nizhny Novgorod”. // BBC Russian Service

Galperovich in his article quoted the words of the editor-in-chief of the daily newspaper "Nizhegorodsky Rabochy" Tatyana Postnikova, who compared the situation in the 90s with the state of affairs in 2003:
“- he was a good newsmaker himself and was very open to the press. Therefore, it was interesting to work with him. Now we are working with officials who do not want to be either transparent or open. But they really want to be praised, and for this they come up with all sorts of press conferences, press releases, but nothing more "

Natalia Lisitsyna, editor-in-chief of AiF-NN, stated:
... The other day I talked with a colleague from Ukraine and was jealous of white envy - there are now really free media. The situation is about the same as it was in Russia in the 90s. Especially - in Nizhny Novgorod, which was called "the land of unafraid journalists."
By the way, he did not call it that at all, as many think. It was at one of the press conferences that Nizhny Novgorod journalists were envied by colleagues from the Ulyanovsk region, in which the "red" governor was then ruled. They were amazed that in Nizhny the press service does not collect questions for press conferences in advance, and the media can easily and without prejudice criticize even the mayor, even the deputies, even the head of the region. - Natalia Lisitsyna "Gag for the Media". // APN - Nizhny Novgorod
Shortly after appointment Boris Nemtsov Head of the Administration of the Nizhny Novgorod Region, radical economic reforms began in Russia, which, according to a number of researchers, led to a sharp decline in the Russian economy and a significant drop in the living standards of the population. The economic decline at this time was also observed in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Nemtsov considered the federal government under Yegor Gaidar incompetent, and assessed his reforms as "sluggish schizophrenia." To the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin Nemtsov was also critical at first, but then changed his mind.
The magazine "Profile" wrote that "thanks to his exceptional ability to knock out investments from the federal center" he achieved considerable success in the region: one and a half hundred churches were restored, thousands of kilometers of roads and more than a hundred bridges were built, a hundred thousand houses were gasified, an international airport was opened where Margaret landed. Thatcher, John Major and French Premier Alain Joupe.

Professor of the Department of Philosophy and Political Science of the Academy of Labor and Social Relations, State Duma Deputy Stepan Sulakshin wrote:
Indicators of "success" Nemtsov in the Nizhny Novgorod region are as follows: the number of criminals here is greater than the national average; the number of patients is more than the national average; the standard of living is 1.5 times lower than in Russia as a whole; mortality of the population at the level of the first war years; (...) the industry of the region is practically stopped, the Chkalovsk shipyard is standing still, the Sormovskiy plant is stopped

Doctor of Historical Sciences R.A.Medvedev wrote:
In 1995, he won the gubernatorial elections by a wide margin over other contenders. They wrote about him then as a rising star of Russian politics, and about Nizhny Novgorod as the "capital of Russian reforms." One of the international economic magazines included Boris Nemtsov to the list of "200 world leaders of the next century". However, the real successes of the region were incomparable with the scope of the propaganda campaign. There were many beginnings here, but they were not completed, and the region did not become a showcase of liberal reforms. The famous Nizhny Novgorod fair demonstrated the wretchedness and decline of agriculture. The decline in production in many sectors was even greater in the region than in the entire federation. The standard of living has dropped significantly in the region. The fact that the economy of the Nizhny Novgorod region did not collapse even more, local observers did not associate with nemtsov's activities, but with the work of the vice-governor Ivan Sklyarov, who was in charge of the economy.
From 1991 to 1996, the total number of registered crimes in the Nizhny Novgorod region decreased and became below the national average, while the number of murders in the region increased by about 60%.

Boris Nemtsov's work in the Russian Government

On March 17, 1997, an appointment took place Boris Nemtsov First Deputy Prime Minister of Russia. By order of the Government of Russia dated March 25, 1997, the following duties were assigned to Nemtsov:
* organizing reforms in the social sphere and housing and communal services, ensuring coordination of the activities of federal executive bodies and executive bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in these areas of activity;
* management of issues of housing and construction policy, antimonopoly policy, demonopolization and development of competition, the activities of natural monopolies, meeting the needs of the economy and the population in fuel and energy, in railroad transportation;
* Direct coordination and control of the activities of a number of executive authorities of the Russian Federation, including the Ministry of Railways, the Ministry of Fuel and Energy, the State Antimonopoly Committee, the State Committee for Housing and Construction Policy, and the Federal Energy Commission.
From April 24 to November 20, 1997, he also held the post of Minister of Fuel and Energy of Russia, from May 22, 1997 to October 1, 1998 - a member of the Russian Security Council. Roy Medvedev wrote that by appointing Boris Nemtsov, Yeltsin "to the displeasure of Chernomyrdin and Chubais gave the new favorite a huge amount of authority and the ability to appeal directly to the president", and also "promised to support Nemtsov for at least two years, or even longer."

He spoke about his plans, which he described as absolutely priority: First. Together with everyone, we must ensure economic growth in these two years. Second. We have to do a few unpopular, painful things about communal reform and the rejection of countless social benefits. Third. We must ensure state control over natural monopolies. And as a result, we must reduce the level of corruption in the apparatus and the alienation of the people from power.
As Roy Medvedev wrote: A lot of efforts were made in the stated directions, and some particular problems were solved. But the progress was so insignificant that few people could notice it. For example, even with the competitive principle of supplying the army, the position of the military continued to deteriorate. The rejection of the system of "authorized" banks did not noticeably improve their work. The communal reform had to be postponed due to the poverty of the population and the state. Pension reform required stability and high confidence in the state. The system of social benefits could not be changed for the better either. The fight against the privileges of officials stumbled at the very first high-profile event: the replacement of official Mercedes and Volvo with domestic Volga. (…) Top officials started filling in declarations of property and income. However, no one was going to check these declarations, although it was obvious that the amount of income and property in them was many times underestimated. Unsuccessful and struggle Nemtsov with the oligarchs. There were many words about "predatory capitalism", as well as attempts to restrain natural monopolies, but in reality, little was achieved. Thousands of influential officials stood up to defend the oligarchs and natural monopolies, but Nemtsov did not have his own team, and the president's support was becoming more and more sluggish.

In May 1997, on the recommendation Boris Nemtsov and with the assistance of Anatoly Chubais, 31-year-old Boris Brevnov from the entourage Nemtsov in Nizhny Novgorod is a member of the management of RAO UES of Russia. Later, the Accounts Chamber of Russia discovered numerous financial violations in Brevnov's activities, and in 1998 he lost his post. Olga Kryshtanovskaya, a researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, noted that “as a result of the scandal around Brevnov, it is actually losing control over RAO UES. Nemtsov is once again demoted: from the curator of the fuel and energy complex, he descends to the level of "meeting the needs of the economy in fuel and energy." Later himself Nemtsov he said that he was sometimes mistaken about the people he had nominated to the leadership, but he stressed that "he has nothing to repent of."

RAS Academician Vladimir Nakoryakov, characterizing the activities of Boris Nemtsov and his nominee, wrote: “The disintegration of the energy industry in Russia began with the arrival of absolute non-professionals in the leadership. The starting point can be called the arrival in the energy sector in the mid-90s Boris Nemtsov, B. Brevnova and their teams. Until a certain time, the technological backlog created over the previous years was enough to withstand the efforts that the incoming team of absolute amateurs in the energy and economy made to destroy the energy complex and lose control over it. "
In April 1997, according to the Public Opinion Foundation, 29% of Russians were ready to see Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia. At that time, Boris Nemtsov was the leader in the presidential rating, in second place was the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov, then General Alexander Lebed, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky. In the second round, according to sociologists, Nemtsov would have defeated any of the mentioned politicians.

Roy Medvedev wrote: But already at the beginning of 1998, everything began to change by itself. Popularity indicators Nemtsov fell 2, then 3 times. They wrote about him less and less. Nemtsov was called "a dummy", "Khlestakov", "an unlucky trainer of natural monopolies." He was accused of a lack of consistency and tenacity, of dubious connections with dubious businessmen, of a lack of education and indiscriminate means. He was especially often portrayed as a playboy. And he himself, maintaining this reputation, began to appear at beauty contests and made ambiguous statements about pop stars.
By the end of 1999, the presidential nemtsov's rating fell to 1 percent.
On November 4, 1997, the first deputy prime ministers and Anatoly Chubais, at a meeting with President Boris Yeltsin, sought the resignation of Boris Berezovsky from the post of Deputy Secretary of the Russian Security Council. According to the memoirs of Boris Yeltsin, Nemtsov and Chubais at this meeting said that "a person who confuses business with politics cannot occupy this position, they gave examples, they said that Berezovsky undermines the authority of the authorities in the country." The next day, a presidential decree was signed on the resignation of Berezovsky. According to Yeltsin's recollections, the deputy prime ministers "gave an excuse" to get rid of Berezovsky, whom Yeltsin described as "a" shadow "who was tired of the order."

On December 26, 1997, the State Duma adopted a resolution in which it described Boris Nemtsov as an irresponsible and unskilled politician, proposing to Yeltsin to relieve him of his post.
In early 1998, he was appointed to the post of Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. In accordance with the order of the Government of Russia dated May 13, 1998, on Nemtsov the following responsibilities were assigned:
* organization of land reform and reform in housing and communal services, reforms in the field of transportation, ensuring interaction between executive authorities in this area;
* management of issues of formation and implementation of state policy in the field of scientific and technological progress, energy, construction, transport and communications;
* management of issues of antimonopoly policy, including in the field of communications and transport, demonopolization and development of competition, support and development of small and medium-sized businesses, regulation of the activities of natural monopolies;
* management of the use of natural resources, monitoring and environmental protection, development of forestry and fisheries;
* performance of the duties of the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation in the event of his temporary absence;
* coordination of the activities of the Ministry of the Russian Federation for Atomic Energy (in terms of foreign economic and commercial activities);
* Direct coordination and control of the activities of a number of executive authorities of the Russian Federation, including the Ministry for Land Policy, Construction and Housing and Communal Services, the Ministry of Natural Resources, Ministry of Railways, Ministry of Fuel and Energy, Ministry of Transport, and the State Antimonopoly Committee.

Decree of the Government of Russia of May 15, 1998 on Boris Nemtsov was entrusted with the leadership of the Commission of the Government of the Russian Federation on operational issues and the Interdepartmental Commission on social and economic problems of coal mining regions.
May-November 1997 and from May 1998 Nemtsov he was also the chairman of the board of state representatives in RAO Gazprom.
Nemtsov is one of the initiators of the adoption of the President's program for the training of management personnel.
A few days after the default on August 17, 1998, the government of Sergei Kiriyenko was dismissed, Nemtsov became the acting deputy chairman of the Russian government. According to the magazine "Profile" Boris Yeltsin called Nemtsov and said that he had nothing to do with the crisis, and therefore would work until 2000, but Nemtsov refused.

On August 24, 1998, he submitted his resignation letter, which was satisfied by the decree of the President of Russia Boris Yeltsin on August 28, 1998.
As the Kommersant-Vlast magazine wrote, Boris Nemtsov "did not excel at the post of deputy chairman of the government." Memorable initiatives Nemtsov the magazine noted his call to transfer Russian officials to domestic vehicles.

Boris Nemtsov's activities in 1998-2007 and work in the "Oil" concern

On September 22, 1998, he was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council for Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation (on a voluntary basis).
In December 1998, the social and political movement "Young Russia" was established. was elected chairman of the federal political council of this movement. In the spring of 1999, Young Russia joined the Just Cause coalition.
On March 3, 1999, he announced that a default was inevitable in Russia.
At the beginning of March 1999, information appeared in the press that a number of other representatives of the right-wing forces were included in the list of candidates for members of the board of directors of RAO UES of Russia. On March 16, Chairman of the State Duma Seleznev said that the Duma would not allow election to the board of directors of this company Boris Nemtsov, Yegor Gaidar, Sergei Kirienko and Boris Fedorov.
According to Seleznev, “the electoral coalition“ Right Cause ”would like to have a good sponsor in the person of RAO“ UES of Russia ”in the upcoming parliamentary elections, but these people have already been fined, and it is not clear what they have to do with the energy sector”. On March 22, he announced his refusal to work at RAO UES of Russia.

On April 2, 1999, the State Duma adopted a resolution which stated:
The State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation was concerned about the media reports about the so-called peacekeeping initiative of a group of notorious Russian politicians in the past, E. Gaidar, Boris Nemtsov, B. Fedorov and A. Chubais in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The aforementioned persons in almost all key issues of the economy, domestic and foreign policy followed the interests of the United States of America and a number of other member states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which unleashed a criminal war in the Balkans. Their activities caused Russia serious, and in some respects irreparable damage.

In August 1999 Nemtsov commented positively on the approval of Vladimir Putin as the chairman of the Russian government: “For the 'right-wing' forces, Putin is an entirely acceptable figure. He is a hard-working, experienced and intelligent person, about the same level as Stepashin. "
In September 1999, State Duma Chairman Gennady Seleznev called on the Union of Right Forces leaders to disclose the sources of funding for their electoral bloc. Seleznev recalled the statement of one of the leaders of the Union of Right Forces Boris Nemtsov that they are "not poor people." The State Duma Speaker noted that Nemtsov "He doesn't work anywhere, that is, according to the old laws, he is a parasite." As Seleznev stated, in this case it is not clear where the SPS comes from "for posters, advertising, and it is not clear what these guys live on."
At the end of 1999, together with Sergei Kiriyenko and Irina Khakamada, he headed the list of the pre-election bloc "Union of Right Forces". In December, he was elected to the State Duma in the 117th Avtozavodsky electoral district of Nizhny Novgorod, served as deputy chairman of the State Duma, member of the State Duma committee on legislation and leader of the SPS faction. He was one of the co-chairs of the Union of Right Forces party.

November 27, 1999 Nemtsov called Vladimir Putin the most worthy person of all candidates who intend to participate in the presidential elections in Russia in 2000. He stated that Putin should be the next president. According to Boris NemtsovPutin is a responsible, honest person who is not afraid to make difficult decisions for himself, who will form an efficient, responsible and competent government.

Subsequently Nemtsov acknowledged Putin's support as erroneous:
If by the level of corruption the country slipped to 154th place under Putin, if the whole point of his stay in power is how to fill his pockets and fill the pockets of his friends. If all civil rights and freedoms in Russia have been destroyed, then in fact, why not recognize your wrong position, which was 11-12 years ago. Only die-hard idiots don't change their position all their lives. Let's remember how the radio listeners, for example, treated Yeltsin in 1991? The support level was 85%, and then slipped in 95-96 to 1%.
Putin's support was also explained by the official position of the Union of Right Forces:
In 1999 we had a really difficult choice - a serious discussion among the leaders of the SPS party. Three of the party's co-chairs, namely Gaidar, Chubais and Kiriyenko, supported Putin, while Khakamada and I did not. But since we worked in the same organization, it was decided that the Union of Right Forces supports Putin and we publicly had to adhere to this official position. At the same time, I never voted for Putin in 2000, as well as later.

In the presidential elections in Russia held in March 2000, Nemtsov voted for Grigory Yavlinsky.
On April 28, 2001, at the fourth congress of Young Russia, it was announced that this movement had been disbanded on the eve of the creation of the Union of Right Forces party.
On May 27, 2001, he was elected chairman of the Federal Political Council of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2003, he headed the list of the Union of Right Forces in the elections to the State Duma, which did not overcome the 5 percent barrier. After losing the election, he resigned from the post of chairman of the political council of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2004-2005 he was the chairman of the board of directors of the Neftyanoy concern, whose president was Igor Linshits. According to the prosecutor's office, a criminal group was operating in the bank that was part of the concern, which, while committing illegal banking operations, received "criminal income in the amount of 57 billion rubles." After the start of inspections of the company, he left the concern, stating that he wanted to "eliminate any political risks in the business" of his friend Linshitz.
In 2004 he was elected to the board of the "Committee 2008: Free Choice"

Boris Nemtsov and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine

In 2004 nemtsov's party The Union of Right Forces officially supported Viktor Yushchenko during the presidential election campaign in Ukraine. During the Orange Revolution, he became one of the few Russian politicians who supported Yushchenko. visited Kiev several times, speaking at the "orange" rallies.
From February 2005 to October 2006, he was a freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko. According to himself Boris Nemtsov, "His advice cannot be called fateful, but he did what he could":
- I would single out three significant proposals made by me to Yushchenko. The first concerns the termination of the topic of nationalization of property, the revision of the results of Kuchma's privatization. As many remember, ex-Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko actively insisted on this. I made a proposal to freeze this issue. Yushchenko accepted it.
The second proposal concerns the gasoline, meat, sugar crises, arranged by the same Tymoshenko. When she decided to put the economy into a tailspin, I came to Yushchenko and offered to dismiss Yulia Vladimirovna. I am not the author of the resignation, the author, of course, is Yushchenko. I only advised him to do it.
My third piece of advice was about building a broad orange-white-blue coalition. It was very difficult for Yushchenko to communicate with Yanukovych, but I explained to him that it would be democratic, because the people voted for Yanukovych.

Boris Nemtsov's participation in the 2007 Duma elections

In 2007 came out nemtsov's book "Confessions of a Rebel".
In September 2007, the SPS party congress approved Boris Nemtsov, along with Nikita Belykh and Marietta Chudakova, at the head of the SPS electoral list for the 2007 State Duma elections. During the election campaign, the Union of Right Forces (SPS) issued a harsh criticism of the government headed by Vladimir Putin.
In November 2007, during the election campaign to the State Duma, a number of media outlets published a statement by the first issue of the regional group of the Union of Right Forces in Ingushetia, Vakhi Yevloyev, who negatively characterized the activities Nemtsov:
IN biographies of Nemtsov too many dark spots. This is an unpaid state loan of $ 18 million, which was issued to the Nizhny Novgorod region under the personal guarantees of the then governor Nemtsov. This is the failure of the housing and communal services reform, for which Nemtsov was responsible during his work in the government. This is the failure of the antimonopoly policy, for which Nemtsov was also responsible. The list is endless. And most importantly, people have not forgotten all these achievements of Nemtsov with a minus sign ... Now Nemtsov at the head of the Union of Right Forces suddenly began to earnestly care for pensioners and the poor. People perceive this combination as a mockery from our party as a whole. This will ruin the party, I do not want to participate in this dishonest game.
Political analyst Alexander Kynev called this statement "a PR campaign to discredit one of the political parties", suggesting that it was made under pressure.

In December 2007, the Congress of the Union of Right Forces put forward Boris Nemtsov candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. As of December 2007, Nemtsov's presidential rating was less than 1 percent of the vote. On December 26, even before the start of the election campaign, he withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.
Following the results of the Duma elections in December 2007, the presidential candidates Vladimir Bukovsky and Mikhail Kasyanov made a joint statement. It specifically says:
The "elections" to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation, which took place on December 2, 2007, became the most unfree, the most dishonest and dirtiest in the history of post-Soviet Russia.

A number of opposition representatives were not admitted to the elections at all. Those opposition parties that did manage to take part in the election campaign were subjected to unprecedented administrative pressure. Confiscation of campaign materials, arrests and beatings of activists, illegal detention of deputy candidates and even the murder of one of them, an organized campaign to discredit the opposition, false Goebbels propaganda in state media, lack of access for opposition parties to federal TV channels, restrictions on the work of international observers - all this became the hallmarks of the 2007 election campaign. - we quote an excerpt from the joint statement of Vladimir Bukovsky, Mikhail Kasyanov and Boris Nemtsov
In their statement, Bukovsky, Kasyanov pledged, if one of them wins the presidential election, to dissolve the State Duma of the fifth convocation and to appoint new elections as soon as possible, which “will be held in accordance with the standards of multiparty democracy, ensuring freedom of speech, transparency of all procedures and equal opportunities for all participants ”. None of these candidates were subsequently admitted to the March 2, 2008 presidential elections.

Self-dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, creation of the Solidarity movement

On February 12, 2008, a presentation of an "independent expert report" took place at the office of the SPS party Boris Nemtsov co-authored with Vladimir Milov “Putin. Results ". On the same day he announced the suspension of his membership in the Union of Right Forces, refusing to comment on this decision.
On April 5, 2008 in St. Petersburg he took part in the conference "New Agenda for the Democratic Movement".
At the conference, it was decided to start creating a united democratic movement "Solidarity". became a member of the coordination group for the preparation of the first congress of "Solidarity", in the course of this work took part in the founding conferences of the new movement in Moscow, Irkutsk, Krasnodar, Nizhny Novgorod, Ufa and other cities.
On November 15, 2008, at an extraordinary congress, the SPS party announced its self-dissolution. On the basis of the liquidated parties SPS, Civil Force and DPR, a new party "Just Cause" was created. was one of the persistent opponents of the dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, called Just Cause a "Kremlin project" and actively tried to convince party comrades to abandon the voluntary liquidation of the Union of Right Forces, but the majority decided otherwise. A smaller part of the former members of the Union of Right Forces, including them, refused to participate in Pravoye Delo.

On December 13, 2008 at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" he was elected a member of the federal political council of "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.
Representatives of the Yabloko party, sharply criticizing Solidarity, stated that they were primarily responsible for the "black PR" against our party during the 2003 State Duma election campaign. We mean the so-called YABLOKO movement without Yavlinsky, remembered by many of us, which appeared about a month before the start of the election campaign and disappeared without a trace after its end.

Nemtsov's participation in the mayoral elections in Sochi

In March 2009, he announced his intention to participate as a candidate in the mayoral elections for the city of Sochi. This decision mr Nemtsovaccepted after he received an appeal from a group of Sochi residents with a request to stand as a candidate in the elections. On March 28, 2009, the municipal election commission officially registered Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the city of Sochi.

Now deceased Boris Efimovich Nemtsov, who became the victim of a daring assassination attempt almost at the walls of the Kremlin, can be characterized as a prominent oppositional Russian politician of liberal orientation, statesman and public figure. In the past in the account Boris Nemtsov - also such social roles as the governor of one of the most important regions of Russia and a middle-class businessman. We will try to reflect the full range of opinions about the meaning of personality Nemtsov for modern Russia. In recent years Boris Nemtsov was a member of the Bureau of the Federal Political Council of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" (since 2008), co-chairman of the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption." But once Boris Nemtsov was called "Boris the elder" (Yeltsin) by his successor, having shown himself in the positions of the head of the Nizhny Novgorod region, as well as Boris Nemtsov for some time he was Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Government (to be precise in the wording, Deputy Chairman, he held this post in 1997-1998).

Biography of Boris Nemtsov

Boris Efimovich Nemtsov (October 9, 1959, Sochi - February 27, 2015, Moscow) - Russian politician and statesman, deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma of the sixth convocation, one of the founders and leaders of the ODD "Solidarity", co-chairman of the political party "RPR-PARNAS", member of the Coordination Council of the Russian opposition.
The first governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region (1991-1997). Then Boris Nemtsov moved to work in the Government of Russia as Minister of Fuel and Energy (1997) and First Deputy Prime Minister (1997-1998). In 1997-1998 he was a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. At the time of work as governor and deputy prime minister, Boris Nemtsov was the youngest Russian politician in these positions (until the appointment in April 1998 of Prime Minister S. Kiriyenko).
In 1998 Boris Nemtsov created the liberal movement Young Russia, which then became one of the founders of the Right Cause coalition (1998-2000) and the Union of Right Forces party. Boris Nemtsov several times was elected to the Russian parliament, in 1990 he was elected as a people's deputy of the RSFSR, in 1993 he was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, in 1995-1997 he was a member of the Federation Council as governor.
1999-2003 Boris Nemtsov- Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, where he held the posts of deputy chairman of the State Duma and head of the Union of Right Forces faction. After 2003, he worked in business and was a freelance advisor to the President of Ukraine.

After the split in the "Union of Right Forces" (when members of the same party decided to unite in the "Right Cause") in 2008 Nemtsov was one of the initiators of the creation of the opposition democratic movement "Solidarity".
In 2009, with the support of Solidarity Boris Nemtsov ran for mayor of Sochi and took 2nd place in the elections after the candidate from the ruling party. Since 2012 Nemtsov He was a co-chairman of the political party "Republican Party of Russia - Party of People's Freedom" (RPR-PARNAS). Boris Nemtsov known for publishing a number of reports on corruption, as well as one of the organizers and participants of the "Marches of Dissent" (2007), "Strategy-31", protest rallies "For Fair Elections" (2011-2013) and marches against hostilities in Ukraine ( 2014-2015). In regional elections on 8 September 2013 Boris Nemtsov elected as a deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma at the head of the RPR-Parnas party list.
Boris Nemtsov shot on the night of February 27-28, 2015 by unknown persons in Moscow.

Boris Efimovich Nemtsov
Member of the Bureau of the Federal Political Council of the Solidarity Movement - since December 13, 2008
Chairman of the Federal Political Council of the SPS party May 27, 2001 - January 25, 2004
Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation
April 28 - August 28, 1998
First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation
March 17, 1997 - April 28, 1998
Prime Minister: Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin
Minister of Fuel and Energy of Russia April 24 - November 20, 1997
Governor of the Nizhny Novgorod Region 1995 - 1997
Party: Party of People's Freedom, Solidarity Movement
Religion: Orthodoxy
Birth: October 9, 1959
Sochi, Krasnodar Territory, RSFSR, USSR
Father: Efim Davydovich Nemtsov (b. 1925)
Mother: Dina Yakovlevna Eydman (b. 26 March 1928)
Wife: Raisa Akhmetovna Nemtsova
Children: Zhanna, Anton, Dina, Sophia

The origin of Boris Nemtsov

Born Boris Nemtsov October 9, 1959 in Sochi in the family of Efim Davydovich, deputy head of the construction headquarters Nemtsov (b. 1925) and pediatrician, honored doctor of Russia Dina Yakovlevna Eidman (b. 1928). Later on the TV show "Two against one" Boris Nemtsov said that in him "Jewish blood flows." From memories Nemtsov, his paternal grandmother was Russian and in childhood baptized him in secret from his Jewish mother, which caused her great displeasure.

Education and early years of Boris Nemtsov

Boris Nemtsov studied in Gorky, where he received secondary and higher education. In 1976 he entered the Faculty of Radiophysics of the Gorky State University. NI Lobachevsky, where his maternal uncle Vilen Yakovlevich Eydman taught. Cousin nemtsov's brother, the son of Vilen Eidman - Igor Eidman also studied at the Gorky University, in 1997 he moved to Moscow.

Then Boris Nemtsovworked in research institutes. He was engaged in problems of plasma physics, acoustics and hydrodynamics. In 1985 Boris Nemtsov together with his uncle he was co-author of VV Kurin in the article "Harbinger and lateral waves in the reflection of impulses from the interface between two media." In 1985 he defended his thesis and received the degree of candidate of physical and mathematical sciences (topic: "Coherent effects of the interaction of moving sources with radiation").
In those years Boris Nemtsov moonlighted as an English tutor. Tried myself Boris Nemtsov and in literature - namely: he wrote poetry and short stories under the pseudonym Ben Eydman.
In March 1990 Boris Nemtsovelected People's Deputy of the RSFSR in the Gorky National Territorial District, was a member of the "Reforms Coalition" bloc and the "Left Center - Cooperation" faction.

During the presidential elections in Russia in 1991 Boris Nemtsov was a confidant of Boris Yeltsin in the Nizhny Novgorod region. From August 27, 1991 to April 18, 1994 Boris Nemtsov was the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
On November 30, 1991, a decree of the President of the RSFSR was signed on appointment of Nemtsov head of the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region. In 1993 Boris Nemtsov was elected to the Federation Council, his election campaign, as the newspaper Kommersant wrote, was financed by a businessman with a prison past, Andrei Klimentiev.

Boris Nemtsov's activities in the banking sector and its consequences (loss of assets by Russia)

In 1994, the Bank of New York transferred $ 2 million to the Nizhny Novgorod region, the operation was carried out by an American banker of Russian origin Natalia Gurfinkel-Kagalovskaya. The transfer was declared erroneous, but the bank "Nizhegorodets", which was in a state of bankruptcy, used this money and paid off the creditors with it. The US Embassy in Russia turned to Nemtsov, who, according to the Prosecutor General's Office, instructed the director of a large Nizhny Novgorod state-owned enterprise Nizhpoligraf to take a $ 3.5 million loan from an Inkombank branch on the security of his new administrative building, which, being federal property, was not subject to privatization. However, thanks to the actions of Anatoly Chubais, who was then the head of the State Property Committee, the deal was completed.

From the loan received, according to the investigation, $ 2 million was transferred to the Bank of New York. However, the loan was not returned, and the mortgaged building became the property of Inkombank. At the beginning of 1998, a criminal case was opened on the fact of illegal alienation of federal property, investigators conducted interrogation of Nemtsov.
In 1997 a former advisor Nemtsov with a criminal past, Andrei Klimentiev at the new trial said that Nemtsov first asked him to pay the Bank of New York a debt of $ 2 million. However, since Klimentiev did not have free money, then Boris Nemtsov turned to Nizhpoligraf. "Rossiyskaya Gazeta" wrote in 2003 that the cost of the mortgaged building is 10 times higher than the mortgage and " boris Nemtsov scamcan cost the state $ 30-40 million. "

Links and courts of Boris Nemtsov with Andrey Klimentyev

According to the business publication "Kommersant", the election campaign Boris Nemtsov in the elections to the Federation Council was financed by the previously convicted Andrey Klimentiev, with whom Nemtsov has been familiar since the 1980s. On Boris Nemtsov and another candidate Klimentiev spent 100 million rubles Klimentyev entered Nemtsov's inner circle, becoming his adviser. As Nezavisimaya Gazeta wrote, “Klimentyev was not only a friend and advisor for a long time governor Boris Nemtsov, but was actually the main Nizhny Novgorod businessman, largely determining economic policy of Nemtsov».
On January 20, 1994, the Russian Ministry of Finance and the Oka Navashinsky shipyard, which was then state-owned, signed a loan agreement for $ 30 million. Part of the loan in the amount of $ 18 million was transferred to the plant for targeted expenses, the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region became the guarantor of the loan repayment.

In the summer of 1994, during privatization, Andrei Klimentiev bought a 30% stake in the Oka plant, and in January 1995 he became a member of the plant's board of directors. The regional administration did not control the spending of the loan allocated to the plant and part of the funds was spent inappropriately.
In early 1995, initiated by Boris Nemtsov The prosecutor's office opened a criminal case against Andrey Klimentyev, Boris Nemtsov testified for the prosecution in court. Klimentyev and the director of the plant, Kislyakov, were found guilty of embezzling $ 2 million 462 thousand, but the verdict was later overturned by the Supreme Court, which fully acquitted the businessmen.
In 1998, Klimentyev was again tried in this case, found guilty, and he was sentenced to 6 years in prison.
Klimentyev, in turn, accused Boris Nemtsov in receiving and extorting bribes, stating also that the criminal case is revenge on the part of Nemtsov... So, according to Klimentyev, Boris Nemtsov asked him to pay the American Bank of New York a debt of $ 2 million for Bank Nizhegorodets, hoping to receive $ 400,000 from the transfer. In addition, as stated by Klimentyev, Boris Nemtsov wanted to get 800 thousand dollars for helping the plant in obtaining a loan. Nemtsov himself called Klimentiev's accusations slander. As Alexander Prudnik, a senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote, the arrest of Klimentyev "can be considered the first experience in Russia in introducing penitentiary technologies into the political, elective reality."

Boris Nemtsov's connections with B. Brevnov

Since 1992 Economic Advisor Nemtsov a young businessman Boris Brevnov began to work. Boris Nemtsov later described as a "talented person."
In March 1992, Yegor Gaidar signed a government decree authorizing Boris Nemtsov create a conversion fund. The money transferred to this fund was transferred to the account of the Nizhny Novgorod Banking House, a commercial bank created with government funds. In the same year, Brevnov with permission Nemtsov became the chairman of the bank's board. In 1997, Brevnov was elected chairman of its board of directors. The Bank established a subsidiary LLC Region, which was owned by Brevnov. According to the head of the working commission of the State Duma Vladimir Semago, significant amounts were transferred to Region LLC.
The bank was involved in the case of embezzlement of the state loan to the Navashinsky shipyard "Oka". As editor-in-chief of the newspaper Promyshlennye Vedomosti Moisei Gelman wrote, “manipulations Nemtsov and Brevnov with budget money, among other things, led to the collapse of the Navashinsky shipyard itself, and, consequently, to unemployment in this city. "
In 1992 Boris Nemtsov, in his own words, introduced Brevnov to a US citizen Gretchen Wilson, an employee of the International Finance Corporation. In 1997, Brevnov and Wilson were married. As Novaya Gazeta wrote, Wilson, using Nemtsov “She privatized the largest Balakhna paper mill for only seven million dollars (the real price of a unique mill is dozens of times higher than this price).
Everything that was possible was sucked out of the plant, and then it was destroyed, creating unbearable conditions for the workers. " The Balakhna plant was bought for $ 7 million by the American bank CS First Boston (whose Moscow branch was headed by Boris Yordan). Andrey Klimentiev, formerly an advisor Nemtsov, said that the annual turnover of the plant was $ 250 million, and CS First Boston bank later organized trips Nemtsov to Swiss Davos. In his book "Confessions of a Rebel" Boris Nemtsov called Wilson "a very sensible woman" who "did a lot for the Nizhny Novgorod region."
Later when Nemtsov moved to work in the Russian government, Brevnov, under his patronage, becomes the chairman of the board of RAO "UES of Russia".

Boris Nemtsov's activities as the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region

In December 1995, at the elections in the Nizhny Novgorod region Boris Nemtsov was elected governor. The newspaper "Kommersant" wrote that in 1995 Boris Nemtsov "Won a resounding reputation as a reformer," whose experience in restructuring the economy of a particular region, the government recommended to implement everywhere.
At the beginning of 1996 boris Nemtsov's initiative In the Nizhny Novgorod region, signatures were collected for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. On January 29, 1996, these signatures were handed over to President Yeltsin.
In his work "The History of Contemporary Russian Journalism" Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor of the Department of Printing, Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov Rafail Hovsepyan wrote: All mass media reported on a truly mass action carried out by the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region B. Nemtsov... He presented the President with a million signatures from Nizhny Novgorod residents demanding an end to the war in Chechnya. The action of Nizhny Novgorod residents was supported by many regions of the country.
In the spring of 1996, the initiative group Boris Nemtsovwas nominated as a candidate for the post of President of Russia, but refused to participate in the elections.
In 1996, the opinion of Olga Senatova, chief specialist of the State Committee for Federation and Nationalities of the Russian Federation, was published in a publication edited by Academician Tatiana Zaslavskaya. O. Senatova characterized the Boris Nemtsov regime as authoritarian. According to O. Senatova, in the absence of control from the federal center (from 1991 to 1994, he combined the posts of head of administration and representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the region), Nemtsov established total control over the media, which impeded the activities of the opposition and contributed to the formation of an absolutely controlled legislative body - more than 60%, according to Senatova, were executive functionaries at all levels.

According to O. Senatova, “the displacement of structures and persons from local politics has led to an inadequately large number of Nizhny Novgorod residents in the federal lists of parties and movements” - the personalities ousted from local politics “rushed” to the federal level. Nemtsov patronized by the federal center, which greatly contributed to the inflow of investments into the region. According to O. Senatova, Boris Nemtsov provided patronage to a number of commercial firms (the firm "Aroko", the bank "Nizhegorodsky Bankersky Dom" by Boris Brevnov, etc.), at the same time complicating the activities of foreign or independent small companies. According to O. Senatova, the combination of a fairly effective domestic policy with the work of the "propaganda machine" provided Nemtsov high popularity among the population.
The President of the Nizhny Novgorod Research Foundation, Sergei Borisov, in his study "The Actual Political Regime in the Nizhny Novgorod Region: Formation in the 1990s" calls one of the "most natural consequences of the authoritarianization of the political regime" Nemtsov by the end of 1993, an "informal alliance of individual representatives of the most influential, elite corporations": the executive and legislative branches of government, local "siloviki", entrepreneurs and heads of the media.

Borisov noted the following features characteristic of the regime of regional authoritarianism (as Borisov wrote, “in the very set of these features of the regime of regional authoritarianism, the Nizhny Novgorod region was no exception”):
* "Domination of the executive over the representative at all levels";
* "The prevalence of the corporatism principle in the code of conduct for the subjects of political relations";
* “Allowing the authorities to strengthen other centers of economic and political influence within strictly controlled limits”;
* "Direct or indirect control over regional media, primarily electronic";
* "A stable contract with the central government, which includes formal and informal guarantees of mutual loyalty";
* "Widespread use of populist tools in relations with the population."

According to Borisov, a liberal-populist version of such a regime has been implemented in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Alternative poles of political influence outside the ruling hierarchy were not suppressed by the administration governor Nemtsov, however, their possible strengthening was under close scrutiny and was limited, as Sergei Borisov wrote, using a variety of means. The activities of representative bodies of power were also pushed aside by the administration of the governor from the epicenter of the political process.
At the same time, as Borisov wrote, the political opposition was not perceived by the governor as something necessarily hostile, and was surrounded by "an atmosphere of certain tolerance." The governor's political rivals were pushed to the periphery of public life not by means of apparatus pressure, but by methods of public policy.

Nikolai Raspopov, Candidate of Historical Sciences, wrote that “the regime Boris Nemtsov"Was characterized by many experts as close to authoritarian."
Aleksandr Prudnik, an employee of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote that the events after January 1994 in the history of the Nizhny Novgorod region "represent the technology of intuitive development of new elements of controlled democracy." According to Prudnik, Boris Nemtsov “He blocked the path to the desired future for many talented residents of Nizhny Novgorod - both a new generation of politicians and a new generation of entrepreneurs”.
The collection of scientific papers of the Moscow Public Science Foundation stated that “the style of political leadership Nemtsov can be characterized as intuitive, improvisational and moderately authoritarian. "

The study by Sergei Borisov said that during the period governorship of Boris Nemtsov in the Nizhny Novgorod region there was a rapid development of the mass media. The number of city and regional newspapers doubled, changes took place in television air - by the beginning of 1997, seven television companies were already operating in Nizhny Novgorod on six local channels. Borisov wrote that during the governorship Nemtsov there were no relapses (or surrogates) of censorship in the region, he spoke of the “unprecedented openness of the regional administration,” for example, journalists had free access to weekly operational meetings of the governor’s administration, and there was no accreditation procedure at all.
Danila Galperovich, a correspondent for the BBC Russian Service, called the Nizhny Novgorod region a "journalistic paradise":
The city of not frightened journalists - this is how Nizhny Novgorod was called in the mid-1990s for the freedom that was granted to local sharks with a pen and a TV camera by the Nizhny Novgorod governor Boris Nemtsov... - “Journalistic paradise in Nizhny Novgorod”. // BBC Russian Service

Galperovich in his article quoted the words of the editor-in-chief of the daily newspaper "Nizhegorodsky Rabochy" Tatyana Postnikova, who compared the situation in the 90s with the state of affairs in 2003:
« Boris Nemtsov - he was a good newsmaker himself and was very open to the press. Therefore, it was interesting to work with him. Now we are working with officials who do not want to be either transparent or open. But they really want to be praised, and for this they come up with all sorts of press conferences, press releases, but nothing more "

Natalia Lisitsyna, editor-in-chief of AiF-NN, stated:
... The other day I talked with a colleague from Ukraine and was jealous of white envy - there are now really free media. The situation is about the same as it was in Russia in the 90s. Especially - in Nizhny Novgorod, which was called "the land of unafraid journalists."
By the way, I didn't call him that Boris Nemtsovas many people think. It was at one of the press conferences that Nizhny Novgorod journalists were envied by colleagues from the Ulyanovsk region, which was then ruled by the "red" governor. They were amazed that in Nizhny the press service does not collect questions for press conferences in advance, and the media can easily and without prejudice criticize even the mayor, even the deputies, even the head of the region. - Natalia Lisitsyna "Gag for the Media". // APN - Nizhny Novgorod
Shortly after appointment Boris Nemtsov Head of the Administration of the Nizhny Novgorod Region, radical economic reforms began in Russia, which, according to a number of researchers, led to a sharp decline in the Russian economy and a significant drop in the living standards of the population. The economic decline at this time was also observed in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Nemtsov considered the federal government under Yegor Gaidar incompetent, and assessed his reforms as "sluggish schizophrenia." To the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin Nemtsov was also critical at first, but then changed his mind.
Profile magazine wrote that Boris Nemtsov"Thanks to his exceptional ability to knock investments out of the federal center," he achieved considerable success in the region: one and a half hundred churches were restored, thousands of kilometers of roads and more than a hundred bridges were built, a hundred thousand houses were gasified, an international airport was opened where Margaret Thatcher, John Major and the French prime minister Alain Joupe.

Professor of the Department of Philosophy and Political Science of the Academy of Labor and Social Relations, State Duma Deputy Stepan Sulakshin wrote:
Indicators of "success" Nemtsov in the Nizhny Novgorod region are as follows: the number of criminals here is greater than the national average; the number of patients is more than the national average; the standard of living is 1.5 times lower than in Russia as a whole; mortality of the population at the level of the first war years; (...) the industry of the region is practically stopped, the Chkalovsk shipyard is standing still, the Sormovskiy plant is stopped

Doctor of Historical Sciences R.A.Medvedev wrote:
In 1995 Boris Nemtsov won the gubernatorial elections by a wide margin from other contenders. They wrote about him then as a rising star of Russian politics, and about Nizhny Novgorod as the "capital of Russian reforms." One of the international economic magazines included Boris Nemtsov to the list of "200 world leaders of the next century". However, the real successes of the region were incomparable with the scope of the propaganda campaign. There were many beginnings here, but they were not completed, and the region did not become a showcase of liberal reforms. The famous Nizhny Novgorod fair demonstrated the wretchedness and decline of agriculture. The decline in production in many sectors was even greater in the region than in the entire federation. The standard of living has dropped significantly in the region. The fact that the economy of the Nizhny Novgorod region did not collapse even more, local observers did not associate with nemtsov's activities, but with the work of the vice-governor Ivan Sklyarov, who was in charge of the economy.
From 1991 to 1996, the total number of registered crimes in the Nizhny Novgorod region decreased and became below the national average, while the number of murders in the region increased by about 60%.

Boris Nemtsov's work in the Russian Government

On March 17, 1997, an appointment took place Boris Nemtsov First Deputy Prime Minister of Russia. By order of the Government of Russia dated March 25, 1997, the following duties were assigned to Nemtsov:
* organizing reforms in the social sphere and housing and communal services, ensuring coordination of the activities of federal executive bodies and executive bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in these areas of activity;
* management of issues of housing and construction policy, antimonopoly policy, demonopolization and development of competition, the activities of natural monopolies, meeting the needs of the economy and the population in fuel and energy, in railroad transportation;
* Direct coordination and control of the activities of a number of executive authorities of the Russian Federation, including the Ministry of Railways, the Ministry of Fuel and Energy, the State Antimonopoly Committee, the State Committee for Housing and Construction Policy, and the Federal Energy Commission.
April 24 to November 20, 1997 Boris Nemtsov He also served as Minister of Fuel and Energy of Russia, from May 22, 1997 to October 1, 1998 - a member of the Russian Security Council. Roy Medvedev wrote that by appointing Boris Nemtsov, Yeltsin "to the displeasure of Chernomyrdin and Chubais gave the new favorite a huge amount of authority and the ability to appeal directly to the president", and also "promised to support Nemtsov for at least two years, or even longer."

Boris Nemtsov spoke about his plans, which he described as absolutely priority: First. Together with everyone, we must ensure economic growth in these two years. Second. We have to do a few unpopular, painful things about communal reform and the rejection of countless social benefits. Third. We must ensure state control over natural monopolies. And as a result, we must reduce the level of corruption in the apparatus and the alienation of the people from power.
As Roy Medvedev wrote: A lot of efforts were made in the stated directions, and some particular problems were solved. But the progress was so insignificant that few people could notice it. For example, even with the competitive principle of supplying the army, the position of the military continued to deteriorate. The rejection of the system of "authorized" banks did not noticeably improve their work. The communal reform had to be postponed due to the poverty of the population and the state. Pension reform required stability and high confidence in the state. The system of social benefits could not be changed for the better either. The fight against the privileges of officials stumbled at the very first high-profile event: the replacement of official Mercedes and Volvo with domestic Volga. (…) Top officials started filling in declarations of property and income. However, no one was going to check these declarations, although it was obvious that the amount of income and property in them was many times underestimated. Unsuccessful and struggle Nemtsov with the oligarchs. There were many words about "predatory capitalism", as well as attempts to restrain natural monopolies, but in reality, little was achieved. Thousands of influential officials stood up to defend the oligarchs and natural monopolies, but Nemtsov did not have his own team, and the president's support was becoming more and more sluggish.

In May 1997, on the recommendation Boris Nemtsov and with the assistance of Anatoly Chubais, 31-year-old Boris Brevnov from the entourage Nemtsov in Nizhny Novgorod is a member of the management of RAO UES of Russia. Later, the Accounts Chamber of Russia discovered numerous financial violations in Brevnov's activities, and in 1998 he lost his post. Olga Kryshtanovskaya, a researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, noted that “as a result of the scandal around Brevnov Boris Nemtsov actually loses control over RAO UES. Nemtsov is once again demoted: from the curator of the fuel and energy complex, he descends to the level of "meeting the needs of the economy in fuel and energy." Later himself Nemtsov he said that he was sometimes mistaken about the people he had nominated to the leadership, but he stressed that "he has nothing to repent of."

RAS Academician Vladimir Nakoryakov, characterizing the activities of Boris Nemtsov and his nominee, wrote: “The disintegration of the energy industry in Russia began with the arrival of absolute non-professionals in the leadership. The starting point can be called the arrival in the energy sector in the mid-90s Boris Nemtsov, B. Brevnova and their teams. Until a certain time, the technological backlog created over the previous years was enough to withstand the efforts that the incoming team of absolute amateurs in the energy and economy made to destroy the energy complex and lose control over it. "
In April 1997, according to the Public Opinion Foundation, 29% of Russians were ready to see Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia. At that time, Boris Nemtsov was the leader in the presidential rating, in second place was the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov, then General Alexander Lebed, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky. In the second round, according to sociologists, Nemtsov would have defeated any of the mentioned politicians.

Roy Medvedev wrote: But already at the beginning of 1998, everything began to change by itself. Popularity indicators Nemtsov fell 2, then 3 times. They wrote about him less and less. Nemtsov was called "a dummy", "Khlestakov", "an unlucky trainer of natural monopolies." He was accused of a lack of consistency and tenacity, of dubious connections with dubious businessmen, of a lack of education and indiscriminate means. He was especially often portrayed as a playboy. And he himself, maintaining this reputation, began to appear at beauty contests and made ambiguous statements about pop stars.
By the end of 1999, the presidential nemtsov's rating fell to 1 percent.
November 4, 1997 First Deputy Prime Ministers Boris Nemtsov and Anatoly Chubais, at a meeting with President Boris Yeltsin, sought the resignation of Boris Berezovsky from the post of Deputy Secretary of the RF Security Council. According to the memoirs of Boris Yeltsin, Nemtsov and Chubais at this meeting said that "a person who confuses business with politics cannot occupy this position, they gave examples, they said that Berezovsky undermines the authority of the authorities in the country." The next day, a presidential decree was signed on the resignation of Berezovsky. According to Yeltsin's recollections, the deputy prime ministers "gave an excuse" to get rid of Berezovsky, whom Yeltsin described as "a" shadow "who was tired of the order."

On December 26, 1997, the State Duma adopted a resolution in which it described Boris Nemtsov as an irresponsible and unskilled politician, proposing to Yeltsin to relieve him of his post.
Early 1998 Boris Nemtsov was appointed to the post of Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. In accordance with the order of the Government of Russia dated May 13, 1998, on Nemtsov the following responsibilities were assigned:
* organization of land reform and reform in housing and communal services, reforms in the field of transportation, ensuring interaction between executive authorities in this area;
* management of issues of formation and implementation of state policy in the field of scientific and technological progress, energy, construction, transport and communications;
* management of issues of antimonopoly policy, including in the field of communications and transport, demonopolization and development of competition, support and development of small and medium-sized businesses, regulation of the activities of natural monopolies;
* management of the use of natural resources, monitoring and environmental protection, development of forestry and fisheries;
* performance of the duties of the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation in the event of his temporary absence;
* coordination of the activities of the Ministry of the Russian Federation for Atomic Energy (in terms of foreign economic and commercial activities);
* Direct coordination and control of the activities of a number of executive authorities of the Russian Federation, including the Ministry for Land Policy, Construction and Housing and Communal Services, the Ministry of Natural Resources, Ministry of Railways, Ministry of Fuel and Energy, Ministry of Transport, and the State Antimonopoly Committee.

Decree of the Government of Russia of May 15, 1998 on Boris Nemtsov was entrusted with the leadership of the Commission of the Government of the Russian Federation on operational issues and the Interdepartmental Commission on social and economic problems of coal mining regions.
May-November 1997 and from May 1998 Nemtsov he was also the chairman of the board of state representatives in RAO Gazprom.
Nemtsov is one of the initiators of the adoption of the President's program for the training of management personnel.
A few days after the default on August 17, 1998, the government of Sergei Kiriyenko was dismissed, Nemtsov became the acting deputy chairman of the Russian government. According to the magazine "Profile" Boris Yeltsin called Nemtsov and said that he had nothing to do with the crisis, and therefore would work until 2000, but Nemtsov refused.

August 24, 1998 Boris Nemtsov submitted a letter of resignation, which was satisfied by the decree of the President of Russia Boris Yeltsin on August 28, 1998.
As the Kommersant-Vlast magazine wrote, Boris Nemtsov "did not excel at the post of deputy chairman of the government." Memorable initiatives Nemtsov the magazine noted his call to transfer Russian officials to domestic vehicles.

Boris Nemtsov's activities in 1998-2007 and work in the "Oil" concern

September 22, 1998 Boris Nemtsov was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council for Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation (on a voluntary basis).
In December 1998, the social and political movement "Young Russia" was established. Boris Nemtsov was elected chairman of the federal political council of this movement. In the spring of 1999, Young Russia joined the Just Cause coalition.
March 3, 1999 Boris Nemtsov said that default is inevitable in Russia.
In early March 1999, information appeared in the press that the list of candidates for members of the board of directors of RAO "UES of Russia" Boris Nemtsov and a number of other representatives of the right-wing forces. On March 16, the chairman of the State Duma Seleznev said that the Duma would not allow election to the board of directors of this company Boris Nemtsov, Yegor Gaidar, Sergei Kirienko and Boris Fedorov.
According to Seleznev, “the electoral coalition“ Right Cause ”would like to have a good sponsor in the person of RAO“ UES of Russia ”in the upcoming parliamentary elections, but these people have already been fined, and it is not clear what they have to do with the energy sector”. March 22 Boris Nemtsov announced his refusal to work at RAO UES of Russia.

On April 2, 1999, the State Duma adopted a resolution which stated:
The State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation was concerned about the media reports about the so-called peacekeeping initiative of a group of notorious Russian politicians in the past, E. Gaidar, Boris Nemtsov, B. Fedorov and A. Chubais in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The aforementioned persons in almost all key issues of the economy, domestic and foreign policy followed the interests of the United States of America and a number of other member states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which unleashed a criminal war in the Balkans. Their activities caused Russia serious, and in some respects irreparable damage.

In August 1999 Nemtsov commented positively on the approval of Vladimir Putin as the chairman of the Russian government: “For the 'right-wing' forces, Putin is an entirely acceptable figure. He is a hard-working, experienced and intelligent person, about the same level as Stepashin. "
In September 1999, State Duma Chairman Gennady Seleznev called on the Union of Right Forces leaders to disclose the sources of funding for their electoral bloc. Seleznev recalled the statement of one of the leaders of the Union of Right Forces Boris Nemtsov that they are "not poor people." The State Duma Speaker noted that Nemtsov "He doesn't work anywhere, that is, according to the old laws, he is a parasite." As Seleznev stated, in this case it is not clear where the SPS comes from "for posters, advertising, and it is not clear what these guys live on."
Late 1999 Boris Nemtsov Together with Sergei Kirienko and Irina Khakamada, he headed the list of the pre-election bloc "Union of Right Forces". In December, he was elected to the State Duma in the 117th Avtozavodsky electoral district of Nizhny Novgorod, served as deputy chairman of the State Duma, member of the State Duma committee on legislation and leader of the SPS faction. He was one of the co-chairs of the Union of Right Forces party.

November 27, 1999 Nemtsov called Vladimir Putin the most worthy person of all candidates who intend to participate in the presidential elections in Russia in 2000. He stated that Putin should be the next president. According to Boris NemtsovPutin is a responsible, honest person who is not afraid to make difficult decisions for himself, who will form an efficient, responsible and competent government.

Subsequently Nemtsov acknowledged Putin's support as erroneous:
If by the level of corruption the country slipped to 154th place under Putin, if the whole point of his stay in power is how to fill his pockets and fill the pockets of his friends. If all civil rights and freedoms in Russia have been destroyed, then in fact, why not recognize your wrong position, which was 11-12 years ago. Only die-hard idiots don't change their position all their lives. Let's remember how the radio listeners, for example, treated Yeltsin in 1991? The support level was 85%, and then slipped in 95-96 to 1%.
Putin's support Boris Nemtsov also explained by the official position of the SPS:
In 1999 we had a really difficult choice - a serious discussion among the leaders of the SPS party. Three of the party's co-chairs, namely Gaidar, Chubais and Kiriyenko, supported Putin, while Khakamada and I did not. But since we worked in the same organization, it was decided that the Union of Right Forces supports Putin and we publicly had to adhere to this official position. At the same time, I never voted for Putin in 2000, as well as later.

In the presidential elections in Russia held in March 2000, Nemtsov voted for Grigory Yavlinsky.
On April 28, 2001, at the fourth congress of Young Russia, it was announced that this movement had been disbanded on the eve of the creation of the Union of Right Forces party.
May 27, 2001 Boris Nemtsov was elected chairman of the Federal Political Council of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2003 Boris Nemtsov headed the list of the Union of Right Forces in the elections to the State Duma, which did not overcome the 5% barrier. After losing the election, he resigned from the post of chairman of the political council of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2004-2005 Boris Nemtsov was the chairman of the board of directors of the concern "Oil", whose president was Igor Linshits. According to the prosecutor's office, a criminal group was operating in the bank that was part of the concern, which, while committing illegal banking operations, received "criminal income in the amount of 57 billion rubles." After the start of company checks Boris Nemtsov left the concern, stating that he wanted to "eliminate all political risks in business" of his friend Linshitz.
In 2004 Boris Nemtsov elected to the board of the 2008 Committee: Free Choice

Boris Nemtsov and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine

In 2004 nemtsov's party The Union of Right Forces officially supported Viktor Yushchenko during the presidential election campaign in Ukraine. During the Orange Revolution Boris Nemtsov became one of the few Russian politicians to support Yushchenko. Boris Nemtsov visited Kiev several times, speaking at the "orange" rallies.
February 2005 to October 2006 Boris Nemtsov was a freelance adviser to Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko. According to himself Boris Nemtsov, "His advice cannot be called fateful, but he did what he could":
- I would single out three significant proposals made by me to Yushchenko. The first concerns the termination of the topic of nationalization of property, the revision of the results of Kuchma's privatization. As many remember, ex-Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko actively insisted on this. I made a proposal to freeze this issue. Yushchenko accepted it.
The second proposal concerns the gasoline, meat, sugar crises, arranged by the same Tymoshenko. When she decided to put the economy into a tailspin, I came to Yushchenko and offered to dismiss Yulia Vladimirovna. I am not the author of the resignation, the author, of course, is Yushchenko. I only advised him to do it.
My third piece of advice was about building a broad orange-white-blue coalition. It was very difficult for Yushchenko to communicate with Yanukovych, but I explained to him that it would be democratic, because the people voted for Yanukovych. -

Boris Nemtsov's participation in the 2007 Duma elections

In 2007 came out book by Boris Nemtsov "Confessions of a Rebel".
In September 2007, the SPS party congress approved Boris Nemtsov, along with Nikita Belykh and Marietta Chudakova, at the head of the SPS electoral list for the 2007 State Duma elections. During the election campaign, the Union of Right Forces (SPS) issued a harsh criticism of the government headed by Vladimir Putin.
In November 2007, during the election campaign to the State Duma, a number of media outlets published a statement by the first issue of the regional group of the Union of Right Forces for Ingushetia, Vakhi Yevloyev, who negatively characterized the activities of Mr. Nemtsov:
IN biographies of Boris Nemtsov too many dark spots. This is an unpaid state loan of $ 18 million, which was issued to the Nizhny Novgorod region under the personal guarantees of the then governor Nemtsov. This is the failure of the housing and communal services reform, for which Nemtsov was responsible during his work in the government. This is the failure of the antimonopoly policy, for which Nemtsov was also responsible. The list is endless. And most importantly, people have not forgotten all these achievements of Nemtsov with a minus sign ... Now Nemtsov at the head of the Union of Right Forces suddenly began to earnestly care for pensioners and the poor. People perceive this combination as a mockery from our party as a whole. This will ruin the party, I do not want to participate in this dishonest game.
Political analyst Alexander Kynev called this statement "a PR campaign to discredit one of the political parties", suggesting that it was made under pressure.

In December 2007, the Congress of the Union of Right Forces put forward Boris Nemtsov candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. As of December 2007, Nemtsov's presidential rating was less than 1 percent of the vote. December 26, even before the start of the election campaign, Boris Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.
Following the results of the Duma elections in December 2007, candidates for the post of President of Russia Boris Nemtsov, Vladimir Bukovsky and Mikhail Kasyanov made a joint statement. It specifically says:
The "elections" to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation, which took place on December 2, 2007, became the most unfree, the most dishonest and dirtiest in the history of post-Soviet Russia.

A number of opposition representatives were not admitted to the elections at all. Those opposition parties that did manage to take part in the election campaign were subjected to unprecedented administrative pressure. Confiscation of campaign materials, arrests and beatings of activists, illegal detention of deputy candidates and even the murder of one of them, an organized campaign to discredit the opposition, false Goebbels propaganda in state media, lack of access for opposition parties to federal TV channels, restrictions on the work of international observers - all this became the hallmarks of the 2007 election campaign. - we quote an excerpt from the joint statement of Vladimir Bukovsky, Mikhail Kasyanov and Boris Nemtsov
In their statement, Bukovsky, Kasyanov and Boris Nemtsov pledged, if one of them wins the presidential election, to dissolve the State Duma of the fifth convocation and to appoint new elections as soon as possible, which "will be held in accordance with the standards of multi-party democracy, ensuring freedom of speech, transparency of all procedures and equal opportunities for all participants." None of these candidates were subsequently admitted to the March 2, 2008 presidential elections.

Self-dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, creation of the Solidarity movement

On February 12, 2008, a presentation of an "independent expert report" took place at the office of the SPS party Boris Nemtsov co-authored with Vladimir Milov “Putin. Results ". On the same day Boris Nemtsov announced the suspension of his membership in the "Union of Right Forces", declining to comment on this decision.
April 5, 2008 in St. Petersburg Boris Nemtsov took part in the conference "New Agenda for the Democratic Movement".
At the conference, it was decided to start creating a united democratic movement "Solidarity". Boris Nemtsov became a member of the coordination group for the preparation of the first congress of "Solidarity", in the course of this work he took part in the founding conferences of the new movement in Moscow, Irkutsk, Krasnodar, Nizhny Novgorod, Ufa and other cities.
On November 15, 2008, at an extraordinary congress, the SPS party announced its self-dissolution. On the basis of the liquidated parties SPS, Civil Force and DPR, a new party "Just Cause" was created. Boris Nemtsov was one of the persistent opponents of the dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, called Just Cause a "Kremlin project" and actively tried to convince party comrades to abandon the voluntary liquidation of the Union of Right Forces, but the majority decided otherwise. A smaller part of the former members of the Union of Right Forces, including Boris Nemtsov, refused to participate in "Right Cause".

December 13, 2008 at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" Boris Nemtsovelected a member of the federal political council "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.
Representatives of the Yabloko party, sharply criticizing Solidarity, stated that it was Boris Nemtsovbears the main responsibility for the "black PR" against our party during the 2003 State Duma election campaign. We mean the so-called YABLOKO movement without Yavlinsky, remembered by many of us, which appeared about a month before the start of the election campaign and disappeared without a trace after its end.

Nemtsov's participation in the mayoral elections in Sochi

In March 2009 Boris Nemtsov announced his intention to participate as a candidate in the mayoral elections for the city of Sochi. This decision mr Nemtsovaccepted after he received an appeal from a group of Sochi residents with a request to stand as a candidate in the elections. On March 28, 2009, the municipal election commission officially registered Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the city of Sochi.

28.02.2015 01:16

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Editorial response

According to Head of the Moscow branch of RPR-Parnas Ilya Yashin, an unknown person shot Nemtsov 4 times in the back. “I can say that he walked across the bridge with his girlfriend. The car stopped, a man got out of it and fired four shots, ”Yashin told RBC. Later the official representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Elena Alekseeva reported that six cartridges were found at the crime scene. Nemtsov will be buried on March 3 at the Troekurovsky cemetery in Moscow.

Boris Nemtsov. year 2014. Photo: RIA Novosti / Sergey Kuznetsov

Dossier

Russian politician, statesman and public figure, businessman. Member of the Bureau of the Federal Political Council of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity". Co-chairman of the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption." People's Deputy of the RSFSR and a member of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. Former Deputy Prime Minister of Russia. Deputy of the State Duma of the III convocation, ex-governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region. Former member of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation, former Deputy Prime Minister and First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Government.

Awards

• Medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree (1995) - for services to the state related to the completion of the first stage of voucher privatization.
• Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow, I degree (1996)- an award from the Russian Orthodox Church for its contribution to state building. Premium pistol Makarov.
• Medal "For Strengthening the Combat Commonwealth" (2001).
• Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise V degree (2006) - for a significant personal contribution to the development of international cooperation, strengthening the authority and positive image of Ukraine in the world, popularizing its historical and modern achievements.
• Badge of Honor of the Legislative Assembly of the Nizhny Novgorod Region "For Merit" (2009).

Education

In 1981 he graduated with honors from the radiophysical faculty of Gorky State University named after N.I. Lobachevsky, where his maternal uncle taught Vilen Yakovlevich Eydman... Four years later, in 1985, Nemtsov defended his thesis on "Coherent Effects of Interaction of Moving Sources with Radiation", becoming a candidate of physical and mathematical sciences.

Boris Nemtsov. 1993 year. Photo: RIA Novosti / Yuri Somov

Childhood and early years

Boris Efimovich was born on October 9, 1959 in the city of Sochi into a family Efim Davidovich Nemtsov and Dina Yakovlevna Eidman... According to some reports, my father worked as a chief in the Glavsochipedstroy SMU, and then in a high position in the relevant ministry. According to other sources, Efim Davidovich was the head of the central administration in the Ministry of Oil and Gas Industry. Dina Yakovlevna was a children's doctor. Boris was not yet eight years old when his parents divorced and Dina Yakovlevna, along with her son and daughter Yulia (Nemtsov's sister), moved to Gorky. According to the recollections of Nemtsov, they lived in poverty and then he had a passionate dream to escape from poverty.

Despite the divorce of his parents, Nemtsov communicated a lot with his father, who helped the family financially and often took his son to Moscow.

After graduating from school (with a gold medal), Nemtsov entered the radiophysics department of Gorky State University. After successful graduation from the university, Nemtsov came to work at the Gorky Scientific Research Radiophysical Institute of the Ministry of Higher Education of the RSFSR (NIRFI), where he was first a research assistant, then a senior research assistant. At that time, Nemtsov was moonlighting as an English tutor. He tried himself in literature, wrote poetry and short stories under the pseudonym Ben Eydman.

Political career

During the 1990 election campaign, Nemtsov participated in the creation of the Candidates for Democracy association, won the elections and became a People's Deputy of the RSFSR in the Gorky National Territorial District. He was a member of the deputy groups "Smena", "Non-Party Deputies", "Russian Union". In March 1990, he was elected People's Deputy of the RSFSR in the Gorky National-Territorial District, was a member of the Reform Coalition and the Left Center - Cooperation faction. During the same period, Nemtsov appeared in the media as a representative of the Russian Christian Democratic Movement (RHDD). According to some sources, Nemtsov left this organization in 1993, according to others, he suspended his participation in 1991.

Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Government, Chairman of the State Property Committee of the Russian Federation Anatoly Chubais and Governor of the Nizhny Novgorod Region Boris Nemtsov at the XVIII Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. 1993 year. Photo: RIA Novosti / Boris Babanov

In 1991, Nemtsov acted as a confidant of the candidate for the post russian President Boris Yeltsinin the Nizhny Novgorod region during the election of the head of state. On June 12, 1991, Yeltsin was elected the first president of Russia. In August of the same year, Nemtsov, while on vacation with his family in Moscow, took part in the defense of the White House, after which he was appointed the president's representative in the Nizhny Novgorod region. In the fall of 1991, Nemtsov was delegated to the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, where he became a member of the committee on legislation.

As governor, Boris Efimovich criticized the economic program Egor Gaidar and in December 1991 he invited to the Nizhny Novgorod region Grigory Yavlinsky for the organization of economic reform of the region. From May to November 1992, the "EPICenter" headed by Yavlinsky, together with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, developed a program of regional reforms.

In December 1993, Governor Nemtsov was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation by residents of the Nizhny Novgorod Region, and in February 1994 he became a member of the Federation Council Committee on Budget, Financial, Currency and Credit Regulation, Monetary Issue, Tax Policy and Customs Regulation. In December 1995, Nemtsov again became the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, being elected at the election of the head of the regional administration. At that time, Nemtsov had a reputation as a progressive reformer, whose experience in restructuring the economy of a particular region was recommended by the government to be introduced everywhere.

In early 1996, at the initiative of Boris Nemtsov, signatures were collected in the Nizhny Novgorod region for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. On January 29, 1996, these signatures were handed over to President Yeltsin.

Nemtsov from the period of his governorship was also remembered by Russians as a media character thanks to the squabble on ORT's live television broadcast with lDPR leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky, during which the latter doused his opponent with mango juice.

In the same year, Nemtsov, as the governor again became a member of the Federation Council, where he took the post of deputy chairman of the committee on social policy, Boris Nemtsov was nominated by the initiative group as a candidate for the post of President of Russia, but refused to participate in the elections.

In March 1997, Nemtsov was asked to leave the post of governor and become the first deputy prime minister led by Viktor Chernomyrdin government of the Russian Federation. On March 17, 1997, he was appointed First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. As first deputy prime minister, Nemtsov was entrusted with overseeing the social block, housing and communal services and construction, control over natural monopolies and antimonopoly policy.

After the reorganization of the government that took place in the spring of 1998, headed by Sergey Kirienko, Nemtsov in the rank of deputy prime minister was in charge of the financial and economic block. In August 1998, after the default and the subsequent resignation of the Cabinet of Ministers headed by Kiriyenko, Nemtsov was appointed Acting Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation.

Conference of the Just Cause Coalition. Presidium. Boris Nemtsov, Deputy Chairman of the Council for Local Self-Government of the Russian Federation, speaking on a voluntary basis. 1999 year. Photo: RIA Novosti / Vladimir Rodionov

After his resignation, Nemtsov created the Young Russia movement. In August 1999, the movement entered the Union of Right Forces electoral bloc.

On March 1, 2000, Boris Efimovich was elected deputy chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the faction "Union of Right Forces".

In May 2000, when Kiriyenko, who was the head of the Union of Right Forces faction in the State Duma, left for the civil service, taking the post of the plenipotentiary representative of President Vladimir Putin in the Volga Federal District, Nemtsov became the leader of the bloc's faction, and the place of vice-speaker from the Union of Right forces "took Irina Khakamada. In May 2001, the founding congress of the party took place, at which Nemtsov was elected one of the five chairmen of the federal political council.

In December 2003, representatives of the Union of Right Forces did not make it to the State Duma of the IV convocation at the elections. And already on January 20, 2004, Nemtsov resigned together with other co-chairs of the political council, explaining this situation as a consequence of the failure in the parliamentary elections. Nevertheless, the congress of the Union of Right Forces re-elected all the former co-chairs to the federal political council of the party, despite the fact that Nemtsov had announced his intention to become an ordinary member of the party even before the congress. But already next month, at a meeting of the political council, four secretaries of the political council were elected, who made up the party's technical presidium for the period until the election of a new leader. Nemtsov did not enter the leadership of the Union of Right Forces. In the same month, Boris Efimovich was elected chairman of the board of directors of the Neftyanoy concern.

Meeting of Russian President Vladimir Putin with SPS Duma faction leader Boris Nemtsov. year 2000. Photo: RIA Novosti / Vladimir Fedorenko

Even before resigning from the post of co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces, Nemtsov was one of the founders of the organization Committee 2008: Free Choice, headed by chess player Garry Kasparov... The goal of the organization was to consolidate all liberal forces on one platform.

In the fall of 2004, Boris took part in protests on the Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kiev. After the election Viktor Yushchenko President of Ukraine, the politician welcomed the victory of the Ukrainian "right" and expressed his readiness to support them in their efforts to spread the experience of the "Orange Revolution" to Russia. In February 2005, Nemtsov was appointed a freelance advisor to the President of Ukraine, who he remained until October 2006.

In May 2005, the leader of the Union of Right Forces became Nikita Belykh, according to some sources, his candidacy was proposed by Nemtsov.

In March 2007, Boris Yefimovich gave a positive assessment of the results of the Union of Right Forces in the simultaneous elections held earlier in the same month in 14 Russian regions (the party was able to overcome the 7% barrier in six of nine regions; in the other five regions, party lists were withdrawn by local election commissions even before voting). In September 2007, the congress approved the list of candidates for the elections to the State Duma from the Union of Right Forces, Nemtsov entered the top three of the candidates on the list. However, in the elections on December 2, 2007, the party gained only 0.96% and Nemtsov did not become a State Duma deputy. Although it was even planned to nominate him as a candidate for the presidential elections from the Union of Right Forces.

On December 17, 2007, at the congress of the Union of Right Forces, Belykh announced that he was resigning as head of the party's federal political council, since he considered himself responsible for her defeat in the State Duma elections. At the same time, the entire composition of the federal political council of the party, including Nemtsov, resigned. However, at the same time, at the congress, Nemtsov, like most of the leaders of the "union of right-wing forces" who had announced their resignation, was re-elected to the new political council of the party. On the same day, the congress nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for the presidency of Russia. On December 22, Boris successfully passed the first stage of registration of his candidacy, but four days later he announced that he was giving up the fight for the presidency of the Russian Federation, since the outcome of the elections was a foregone conclusion. He also called on Kasyanov and the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Gennady Zyuganov, to follow his example, so as not to give legitimacy to the presidential campaign by their participation in it.

On February 12, 2008, Nemtsov announced that he had suspended his membership in the Union of Right Forces. The politician declined to comment on his decision, but specified that he intends to continue to cooperate with the party.

In September 2008, it became known that the "Union of Right Forces" was soon to join the new "Right Cause" party. However, the day before, Nemtsov almost thwarted these plans: at the last congress of the Union of Right Forces, he announced the withdrawal of his application to suspend his membership in the party. The politician offered to take responsibility for the party and its funding in case the associates decide not to dissolve the organization. But the party all the same ceased to exist.

Boris Nemtsov. 2007 year. Photo: RIA Novosti / Ilya Pitalev

On December 14, 2008, the founding congress of the new opposition movement "Solidarity" took place in Khimki near Moscow. Nemtsov and Kasparov became the actual leaders of Solidarity, and Denis Bilunov became the head of the executive committee the following year.

In March 2009, the Solidarity Bureau nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the future capital of the 2014 Winter Olympics, the city of Sochi. The election of the mayor of Sochi took place on April 26, 2009. According to the results of the vote, Nemtsov took second place, losing to the candidate from United Russia, Anatoly Pakhomov... Boris tried to challenge the election results, but in June 2009 the Central District Court of Sochi dismissed his claim, and in August this decision was confirmed by the Krasnodar Regional Court.

In July 2009, Nemtsov headed the Solidarity headquarters for the elections to the Moscow City Duma, but by early September, all candidates from the movement were denied registration, and as a result of the elections themselves, held on October 11, 2009, 32 out of 35 Moscow City Duma mandates were received by party representatives "United Russia".

September 16, 2010 Nemtsov together with Mikhail Kasyanov, Vladimir Milov and Vladimir Ryzhkov announced the creation of an opposition coalition "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption." On its basis, it was decided to create a political party to participate in the presidential and parliamentary elections. It was established in December 2010 as the Party of People's Freedom (PARNAS). In May 2011, Nemtsov, together with the co-chairs of the People's Freedom Party, submitted documents to the Ministry of Justice for its registration. On June 22 of the same year it became known that PARNAS was denied registration. The reason for the refusal was the presence of “dead souls” among the members of the party - minors and those who died before the party congress in December 2010, as well as the absence in the party's charter of a clause on the rotation of leaders. The PARNAS leaders tried to appeal against this decision of the Ministry of Justice, but they failed.

In December 2010, Nemtsov, Milov and Ryzhkov filed a lawsuit against Prime Minister Putin and the All-Russian State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company (VGTRK) with the Savelovsky Court of Moscow for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation. The reason for the lawsuit was the TV program "Conversations with Vladimir Putin the official's answer to the question of what Nemtsov, Ryzhkov, Milov really want.

The plaintiffs estimated the moral damage caused by Putin's response at one million rubles. However, in February 2011, the opposition's claim was denied.

Boris Nemtsov and Irina Khakamada. 2010 year. Photo: RIA Novosti / Ruslan Krivobok

December 31, 2010 Boris Efimovich and his fellow in "Solidarity" Ilya Yashin were detained at Triumfalnaya Square after speaking at a rally, the holding of which was agreed with the capital's authorities. By the decision of the Tverskoy District Court, they were sentenced to fifteen and five days of arrest, respectively, for disobeying the demands of the police. The court refused to satisfy Nemtsov's appeal against the decision to arrest, and the politician served his arrest until January 15, 2011, despite pickets in support of Nemtsov and Yashin near the building of the presidential administration.

On December 10, 2011, Nemtsov took part in a mass opposition rally, the participants of which in various cities of Russia spoke out against the rigging of the parliamentary elections on December 4, 2011. Boris was also preparing the next rally, which was to take place on December 24, 2011. On December 19, Life News published on its website recordings of Nemtsov's personal conversations on the phone, in which Boris spoke impartially about Evgeniya Chirikova, Bozhene Rynska, Alexey Navalny and, in general, about the visitors of the rally on December 10, calling the latter "hamsters". The next day, Nemtsov apologized to those who might have been offended by his words, and suggested that they had organized a "leak" of conversations from the authorities, who thereby wanted to disrupt the December 24 protest.

After the split in the Union of Right Forces and the entry of the Solidarity movement into the coalition For Russia without Arbitrariness and Corruption, in 2012 he became co-chairman of the political party Republican Party of Russia - People's Freedom Party (RPR-PARNAS). In the regional elections in 2013, he was elected a deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma at the head of the RPR-Parnas party list. In the Yaroslavl Regional Duma, Nemtsov entered the committee on budget, taxes and finance, and the committee on legislation, state power, local government.

In 2014, he declared himself as a supporter of the Kiev Maidan, sharply criticizing further Russia's policy towards Ukraine. On March 1, 2015, he was going to take part in the permitted protest march of the opposition "Spring".

Boris Nemtsov with his wife and daughter Zhanna. 1994 year. Photo: RIA Novosti / Yuri Somov

Personal life

Boris Efimovich was married. However, according to some reports, they have lived separately from his wife Raisa Akhmetovna in recent years. Raisa Akhmetovna - librarian, also worked as an investor in the stock market. From this marriage, Nemtsov has a daughter, Zhanna (born in 1984), she studied at the MGIMO magistracy, specializing in management. In 2005, as a self-nominated candidate, she ran for elections to the Moscow City Duma in the third single-mandate district of the capital. Despite support from five political parties, Zhanna lost the election.

In his free time, Nemtsov loved to play tennis, which he had been doing since 1979. He enjoyed driving, according to some reports, was fond of windsurfing.