Stanislav Kucher biography. Stanislav Kucher: If I feel censorship, I will leave the air. - He somehow abruptly disappeared from the information field

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Stanislav Aleksandrovich Kucher(March 18, Leningrad) - Russian journalist, public figure, documentary filmmaker, television and radio host. Member of the Presidential Council for the Development of Civil Society and Human Rights.

Previously, he was a member of the Federal Civil Committee of the Civic Platform party, a political observer for the Kommersant FM radio station, host of the Kuchera Hour, Artist and Power and Round Table programs on the Sovershenno Sekretno TV channel.

Biography

Since January 2005, he launched and edited the first Russian project National Geographic Traveler for two years. In 2006-2007, he was the author and host of the radio program "Formula of Happiness" on the "Russian News Service".

Since 2006 (since the founding of the Sovershenno Sekretno (Top Secret) TV channel), he has been running the programs Chas Kuchera, Artist and Power, and Round Table. Makes political comments on radio "Kommersant FM" and the weekly author's program "Big Journey" about car travel on "Autoradio".

Consultant and member of the board of trustees of the ProActMedia PR agency. He is systematically invited by the leading media as an expert on a wide range of political and social issues, including: media independence, information wars, the state of affairs in the Chechen Republic, relations with the CIS countries, the Middle East, the banking system, the national question, personnel changes in the highest echelons of power , political assassinations, social processes and tensions, tourism and a number of other topics.

Known for his criticism of the modern Russian government and harsh oppositional liberal views.

On October 27, 2012, at the congress of the political party "Civil Platform", he was elected to its federal civil committee.

Prizes and awards

As a very young correspondent for Komsomolskaya Pravda, Stanislav managed to interview Paul McCartney. I got through to the musician's press secretary, arranged a meeting with Sir Paul. He flew to England, and they told him: “Sorry, there will be no interview, other journalists are in line.” There was nothing to lose, and Stanislav went to a small town in Sussex, next to which the McCartney farm is located. He walked the musician's possessions until he finally came across the chief of security. He introduced himself as the president of the Moscow club of Beatles lovers, asked to give Sir Paul a book - authorized biographies of the Liverpool Four, on which he wrote: “Paul, remember yourself at 20 years old. I have the same. Throw away your arrogance ... "In the hotel, a girl approached him, a classmate of McCartney's daughter, and asked:" Are you the same Russian journalist who is looking for Sir Paul? She promised to help - and the next day Stanislav asked the ex-Beatle questions for five minutes. McCartney sent the answers to them by fax ...

Criticism

- Did you remove Stanislav Kucher from the air or were you advised "from above"? - I make my own decisions and I am responsible for them. Stanislav is a charming person, but he does not know how to think. He is a man of courage and strives to show himself all the time. It has acting, which is good, but the analyst must be able to think. Well, imagine: invite Alexander Gradsky to talk on the air about politics! It was the Day of Music, and most of the audience probably expected that they would talk about music. And Kucher asks Gradsky how he relates to Putin's reforms. He answered. And then he got so emotional that he said - Russia categorically does not need to join the WTO. As a result, it was not the guest who looked stupid, but the presenter, who forced him to speak on unusual topics. I was patient, then I realized - Stas needs to change the genre.

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Notes

. Gazeta.Ru (May 25, 2015). Retrieved March 13, 2016.
(ru-RU). Meduza (March 11, 2016). Retrieved March 13, 2016.
"New News", 07/16/2004.
06.08.1991
15.08.2002
10.04.2007.
"Echo of Moscow", 01/03/2005.
10.01.2005
"Radio Liberty", 08/05/2003
"Echo of Moscow": 10/18/2006
"Echo of Moscow": 09/27/2005
"Echo of Moscow": 10/24/2009
"Echo of Moscow": 09/25/2010
"Echo of Moscow": 08/09/2003
"Echo of Moscow": 05/23/2006
"Echo of Moscow": 08/11/2008
"Echo of Moscow": 03/27/2007
"Echo of Moscow": 04/18/2006
20.01.03
16.07.2008
09.03.2010
"Echo of Moscow": 11/08/2005
"Echo of Moscow": 06/27/2006
"Echo of Moscow": 12/12/2006
Kommersant: 12/13/2010
"Echo of Moscow": 02/08/2005
13.07.2006
"Russian News Service": 06/30/2009
"Echo of Moscow": 08/05/2009
April 21, 2011
// Official website of the Civic Platform party, 10/27/2012
№ 10(15)
Izvestia: 02/28/2002

An excerpt characterizing Kucher, Stanislav Aleksandrovich

"Aliment de poison d" une ame trop sensible,
"Toi, sans qui le bonheur me serait impossible,
"Tendre melancolie, ah, viens me consoler,
Viens calmer les tourments de ma sombre retraite
"Et mele une douceur secrete
"A ces pleurs, que je sens couler."
[Poisonous food of a too sensitive soul,
You, without whom happiness would be impossible for me,
Gentle melancholy, oh come comfort me
Come, calm the torments of my gloomy solitude
And join the secret sweetness
To these tears that I feel flowing.]
Julie played Boris the saddest nocturnes on the harp. Boris read Poor Liza aloud to her and interrupted the reading more than once from excitement, which took his breath away. Meeting in a large society, Julie and Boris looked at each other as the only people in the world who were indifferent, who understood each other.
Anna Mikhailovna, who often went to the Karagins, making up her mother's party, meanwhile made accurate inquiries about what was given for Julie (both Penza estates and Nizhny Novgorod forests were given). Anna Mikhailovna, with devotion to the will of Providence and tenderness, looked at the refined sadness that connected her son with rich Julie.
- Toujours charmante et melancolique, cette chere Julieie, [She is still charming and melancholic, this dear Julie.] - she said to her daughter. - Boris says that he rests his soul in your house. He has suffered so many disappointments and is so sensitive,” she told her mother.
“Ah, my friend, how I have become attached to Julie lately,” she said to her son, “I cannot describe to you! And who can't love her? This is such an unearthly creature! Oh Boris, Boris! She was silent for a minute. “And how I feel sorry for her maman,” she continued, “today she showed me reports and letters from Penza (they have a huge estate) and she is poor and all alone: she is so deceived!
Boris smiled slightly, listening to his mother. He meekly laughed at her ingenuous cunning, but he listened and sometimes questioned her attentively about the Penza and Nizhny Novgorod estates.
Julie had long been expecting an offer from her melancholic admirer and was ready to accept it; but some kind of secret feeling of disgust for her, for her passionate desire to get married, for her unnaturalness, and a feeling of horror at the renunciation of the possibility of true love still stopped Boris. His vacation was already over. Whole days and every single day he spent with the Karagins, and every day, reasoning with himself, Boris told himself that he would propose tomorrow. But in the presence of Julie, looking at her red face and chin, almost always sprinkled with powder, at her moist eyes and at the expression on her face, which always showed readiness to immediately move from melancholy to the unnatural delight of marital happiness, Boris could not utter a decisive word: despite the fact that for a long time in his imagination he considered himself the owner of the Penza and Nizhny Novgorod estates and distributed the use of income from them. Julie saw Boris's indecisiveness and sometimes the thought came to her that she was disgusting to him; but immediately a woman's self-delusion offered her consolation, and she told herself that he was shy only out of love. Her melancholy, however, began to turn into irritability, and not long before Boris left, she undertook a decisive plan. At the same time that Boris' vacation was coming to an end, Anatole Kuragin appeared in Moscow and, of course, in the Karagins' living room, and Julie, suddenly leaving her melancholy, became very cheerful and attentive to Kuragin.
“Mon cher,” Anna Mikhailovna said to her son, “je sais de bonne source que le Prince Basile envoie son fils a Moscou pour lui faire epouser Julieie.” [My dear, I know from reliable sources that Prince Vasily is sending his son to Moscow in order to marry him to Julie.] I love Julie so much that I should feel sorry for her. What do you think, my friend? Anna Mikhailovna said.
The idea of being fooled and wasting for nothing this whole month of hard melancholy service under Julie and seeing all the income from the Penza estates already planned and used properly in his imagination in the hands of another - especially in the hands of stupid Anatole, offended Boris. He went to the Karagins with the firm intention of making an offer. Julie greeted him with a cheerful and carefree air, casually talking about how fun she had been at the ball yesterday, and asking when he was coming. Despite the fact that Boris came with the intention of talking about his love and therefore intended to be gentle, he irritably began to talk about female inconstancy: about how women can easily move from sadness to joy and that their mood depends only on who looks after them. Julie was offended and said that it was true that a woman needed variety, that everyone would get tired of the same thing.
“For this I would advise you ...” Boris began, wanting to taunt her; but at that very moment the insulting thought came to him that he might leave Moscow without having achieved his goal and having lost his labors in vain (which had never happened to him). He stopped in the middle of her speech, lowered his eyes so as not to see her unpleasantly irritated and indecisive face, and said: “I didn’t come here at all to quarrel with you. On the contrary…” He glanced at her to see if he could continue. All her irritation suddenly disappeared, and restless, pleading eyes were fixed on him with greedy expectation. "I can always arrange myself so that I rarely see her," thought Boris. “But the work has begun and must be done!” He blushed, looked up at her, and said to her, “You know how I feel about you!” There was no more need to speak: Julie's face shone with triumph and self-satisfaction; but she forced Boris to tell her everything that is said in such cases, to say that he loves her, and never loved a single woman more than her. She knew that for the Penza estates and Nizhny Novgorod forests she could demand this, and she got what she demanded.
The bride and groom, no longer remembering the trees that sprinkled them with darkness and melancholy, made plans for the future construction of a brilliant house in St. Petersburg, made visits and prepared everything for a brilliant wedding.

Count Ilya Andreich arrived in Moscow at the end of January with Natasha and Sonya. The countess was still unwell, and could not go, but it was impossible to wait for her recovery: Prince Andrei was expected to Moscow every day; besides, it was necessary to buy a dowry; The Rostovs' house in Moscow was not heated; in addition, they arrived for a short time, the countess was not with them, and therefore Ilya Andreich decided to stay in Moscow with Marya Dmitrievna Akhrosimova, who had long offered her hospitality to the count.
Late in the evening, four carts of the Rostovs drove into the courtyard of Marya Dmitrievna in the old Konyushennaya. Marya Dmitrievna lived alone. She has already married her daughter. Her sons were all in the service.
She kept herself as straight as ever, spoke her opinion directly, loudly and decisively to everyone, and with her whole being seemed to reproach other people for all sorts of weaknesses, passions and hobbies, which she did not recognize as possible. From early morning in Kutsaveyka, she did housework, then went: on holidays to mass and from mass to jails and prisons, where she had affairs that she did not tell anyone about, and on weekdays, dressed, she received petitioners of different classes at home who came to her every day, and then dined; at a hearty and tasty dinner there were always three or four guests, after dinner she made a party to Boston; at night she forced herself to read newspapers and new books, while she knitted. Rarely did she make exceptions for trips, and if she went out, she went only to the most important persons in the city.
She had not yet gone to bed when the Rostovs arrived, and the door on the block squealed in the hall, letting in the Rostovs and their servants who were coming in from the cold. Marya Dmitrievna, with spectacles pulled down on her nose, her head thrown back, stood at the door of the hall and looked at the incoming people with a stern, angry look. One would have thought that she was embittered against the newcomers and would now kick them out if she did not give careful orders to people at that time about how to accommodate the guests and their things.
- Counts? “Bring it here,” she said, pointing to the suitcases and not greeting anyone. - Ladies, this way to the left. Well, what are you kidding! she shouted at the girls. - Samovar to warm up! “I’ve gotten fatter, prettier,” she said, pulling Natasha, flushed from the cold, by the hood. - Ugh, cold! Get undressed quickly, - she shouted at the count, who wanted to approach her hand. - Freeze, please. Serve rum for tea! Sonyushka, bonjour,” she said to Sonya, emphasizing her slightly contemptuous and affectionate attitude towards Sonya with this French greeting.
When everyone, having undressed and recovered from the journey, came to tea, Marya Dmitrievna kissed everyone in order.
“I’m glad in my soul that they came and that they stopped at my place,” she said. “It’s high time,” she said, glancing significantly at Natasha ... “the old man is here and her son is expected from day to day. You need to get to know him. Well, let's talk about that later," she added, looking around Sonya with a look that showed that she didn't want to talk about it in front of her. “Now listen,” she turned to the count, “tomorrow, what do you want?” Who will you send for? Shinshin? – she bent one finger; - crybaby Anna Mikhailovna? - two. She is here with her son. The son is getting married! Then Bezukhov chtol? And he's here with his wife. He ran away from her, and she jumped after him. He dined with me on Wednesday. Well, and them - she pointed to the young ladies - tomorrow I'll take them to Iverskaya, and then we'll drop by to Ober Shelme. After all, I suppose you will do everything new? Don't take it from me, now the sleeves, that's what! The other day Princess Irina Vasilievna, young, came to me: she was afraid to look, as if she had put two barrels on her hands. After all, today that day is a new fashion. Yes, what do you have to do? she turned sternly to the count.
“Everything suddenly came up,” answered the count. - Buy rags, and then there is a buyer for the Moscow region and for the house. Well, if your grace is, I will choose a time, I will go to Marinskoye for a day, I will estimate my girls for you.
- All right, all right, I'll be safe. I have as in the Board of Trustees. I’ll take them where they need to be, and scold them, and caress them,” said Marya Dmitrievna, touching the cheek of her favorite and goddaughter Natasha with her big hand.
The next day, in the morning, Marya Dmitrievna took the young ladies to Iverskaya and to m me, Ober Shalma, who was so afraid of Marya Dmitrievna that she always gave her clothes at a loss, if only to quickly get her out of herself. Marya Dmitrievna ordered almost the entire dowry. Returning, she drove everyone except Natasha out of the room and called her favorite to her chair.
- Well, now let's talk. Congratulations on your fiance. Got a young man! I'm happy for you; and I know him from such years (she pointed to a arshin from the ground). Natasha blushed happily. I love him and all his family. Now listen. You know, old Prince Nikolai really did not want his son to marry. Good old man! It is, of course, Prince Andrei is not a child, and will do without him, but it is not good to enter the family against the will. Peacefully, lovingly. You are smart, you can do it right. You are kind and smart. That's all and it will be good.
Natasha was silent, as Marya Dmitrievna thought from shyness, but in essence it was unpleasant for Natasha that Prince Andrei interfered in her love affair, which seemed to her so special from all human affairs that no one, according to her concepts, could understand him. She loved and knew one Prince Andrei, he loved her and was supposed to come one of these days and take her. She didn't need anything else.
“You see, I have known him for a long time, and I love Mashenka, your sister-in-law. Sisters-in-law - beaters, well, this fly will not offend. She asked me to set her up with you. Tomorrow you and your father will go to her, but caress yourself well: you are younger than her. As soon as yours arrives, and you are familiar with your sister and father, and you are loved. So or not? After all, it will be better?

Censorship in the media and Mikhail Prokhorov.

One of the most famous independent political journalists Stanislav Kucher at the end of the television season - since March - began to broadcast his own program "Special Broadcast" on the RBC channel. In the summer it became known that after long litigation, businessman Mikhail Prokhorov nevertheless sold the TV channel.

Mikhail Prokhorov was crushed by the ice rink of power

– Stanislav, you are familiar with Prokhorov, you participated in the Civic Platform movement. Tell me, was he still forced to sell RBC? And why?

- There are things that I know, but for various reasons I do not want to talk. There are absolutely obvious, in my opinion, external aspects that I can talk about as a political observer. The presidential election is coming soon. Perhaps Vladimir Putin will run, perhaps someone else. People in the presidential administration, who are responsible for preparing and covering these elections, are interested in everything being under control, so that there are no unpleasant surprises, from their point of view. Probably, at some point they decided that the owner by the name of Prokhorov could not guarantee them the absence of those very “unpleasant” situations. Therefore, Mikhail, apparently, was made an offer that he could not refuse, and what happened happened. Following the owner, the editor-in-chief and several other top managers were replaced on the TV channel.

- What is your position in this situation? Will you leave or stay?

- Now, like all the hosts of RBC programs, I am on a sabbatical. At least until mid-August. If I feel that the channel begins to betray itself and the audience, turns into a kind of Life News, I leave. If RBC retains the status of a discussion platform, an independent media outlet capable of criticizing the government and making its own decisions in covering certain events, then I will consider staying.

– But you understand that there will be censorship. Recently, an RBC correspondent had to leave due to the fact that his story about the secret prisons of the FSB was not aired.

- When it comes to the program, which I have been leading since mid-March, it is easier for me. My conditions are extremely simple: I invite whom I consider necessary, I raise the topic that I consider necessary. If the appropriate restrictions are introduced, I will look for another job. On these conditions, I came to the channel and see no reason to change them now or put forward some new ones.

- Let's get back to Mikhail Prokhorov ... Do you communicate?

- Yes, we call each other every two or three months, we meet a little less often. We exchange news, ideas about beauty.

- He somehow abruptly disappeared from the information field.

- Prokhorov is his own director, lives his own life, plays his own game. He opened a Teskao martial arts school in Moscow. Maybe I'll take those classes too. In his life there are a large number of topics, in addition to politics. For example, he deals with the development of human capabilities - in my opinion, in general, perhaps the most interesting thing you can do in this life.

- Many supporters of Mikhail Dmitrievich are now offended by him: they say they believed him, voted, but he did not continue to continue the political struggle.

He didn't disappear on his own. Prokhorov led an active campaign, developed the Civic Platform party. I think that I set a certain record among all the political parties that existed in the new Russia - the Civic Platform quickly got on its feet, won a huge number of supporters. In the summer of 2013, it became quite clear that Prokhorov's party has every chance of seriously pressing United Russia in a large number of constituent entities of the Russian Federation in the autumn municipal elections. On the one hand, the Civic Platform declared an alternative, fresh and new agenda, and on the other hand, it distanced itself from the radical opposition, declaring itself a constructive party that does not want any Maidans. And when the party in power felt a serious threat, then it was decided to do everything so that Prokhorov's project was bent as soon as possible. In every possible way, he was given to understand that the project could no longer exist. Moreover, they made it clear not only to Prokhorov, but also to his supporters. Remember what happened to Evgeny Urlashov, who is still "on the bunk"?! (Mayor of Yaroslavl Urlashov, a supporter of Prokhorov, was sentenced to 12.5 years for taking a bribe. - Ed.) This was a signal for many supporters of the Civic Platform. And remember how many criminal cases were opened against people who participated in Prokhorov's election campaign. These cases were canceled after people left the campaign. The project "Civil Platform" was simply collapsed from above. It was impossible to resist such a skating rink of power. And all the talk that at some point Prokhorov backed down or caved in and this affected his reputation ... Yes, of course, it was reflected, of course, he lost many supporters. But I am sure that if he had reassembled the team and started all over again, he would have collected many votes. Another thing, it seems to me, is Mikhail, like Gosha from the film “Moscow Does Not Believe in Tears” - “He drank!”

"The circle of Putin's "advisers" is so narrow that it already resembles Brezhnev's Politburo..." / Andrey Strunin / "Interlocutor"

They will press the Internet - they will lose youth

- Now some are wondering whether Putin will run for president or will he nominate a successor. As a political observer, what do you think about this topic?

– I remember very well 1990, when I was 18 years old and I had already started doing journalism. At that time, the word “political scientist” was not yet popular, but various political observers, who at that time were in their 40s and 50s, analyzed Yeltsin’s chances. High-browed intellectuals talked about anything, only no one predicted the collapse of the Soviet Union, no one predicted SUCH Gorbachev's departure and Yeltsin's coming to power. This is me to the fact that a political observer, no matter how experienced he may be, is still not Cassandra and not Vanga. Boris Berezovsky, who took an active part in promoting Putin, was convinced that he would support him for the rest of his life. But Boris Abramovich ended up outside the country. There is logic, and there is life, which is more often illogical. According to the situation today, I think Putin will run. I see no clear reason why he would not do this. But it seems to me that it would still be logical to propose a successor. This would be useful for the maturation of the country. We already need political and economic reform. But it is not a fact that what we need is needed by the so-called elite.

- Once at a meeting of the Human Rights Council, you told Putin that “it is not normal when everything in the country depends on one person, on you, Vladimir Vladimirovich. We need to change the system." He told you that you are mistaken. Do you think he likes that everything depends on him, and would he like to change this system?

– I am not a confessor and not a psychotherapist of Putin. I can't get into his head. It seems to me, on the one hand, he likes to be able to solve absolutely any problems. On the other hand, he certainly understands that society matures when it is given independence. At times, I'm sure, it annoys him that he has to solve so many problems himself: to give the task to fix a water pipe somewhere, to dismantle a dump in Balashikha, or to pay wages to workers. When he answered this question of mine, it seemed to me that he was sincere, not cunning. Putin said that not everything depends on him, they say, he often consults. In this sense, he is not Stalin or Caligula - he probably advises. The problem is that the circle of "advisers" is so narrow that it already resembles the Brezhnev Politburo. According to my feelings, Putin respects people with a core. But the manifestation of this rod can end in two ways. In one case - as was the case with Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who served ten years in prison, in another - on the contrary, such a person can become an adviser to the president.

- You probably heard how Alexei Navalny answered the question: “If you become president, what will you do with Putin?” - replied that he promised him immunity. Many are disappointed: they say, until recently, Navalny shouted that “Putin is a thief,” and now, closer to the elections, he is hedging himself, or something ...

- Navalny is a politician. Like him or not, he was a politician from the very beginning. Naturally, he is forced to fight in the political space in all possible ways. I don’t know if Navalny has any relationship with the presidential administration or not, whether he is some kind of tool in Putin’s game or not. For me, this issue is secondary because in politics, someone is always using someone. At the moment, I see only one thing: Navalny's participation in the presidential campaign has seriously revived political life.

Returning to your question about Putin's immunity... If I were in Navalny's place, I would say the same thing. It really seems to me that the key issue now is to ensure the succession of generations in power by all legal methods. Putin, no matter how you treat him, has been sitting in his post for too long. Another year - and in terms of the duration of his stay in the Kremlin, he will be equal to Brezhnev. The promises of lustration, criminal prosecution, which sound beautiful from the lips of the radical oppositionists, are now working only and exclusively for the hawks in power who want to keep power by any means. Nobody likes the prospect of being behind bars under a new leader. Therefore, Navalny is doing everything right.

- If you had the opportunity now, what question would you ask our president?

- If I had the opportunity to do a live interview with Putin, I would ask him many different questions as a journalist. In other formats, I see no reason to ask him anything. There are topics that it would be interesting to discuss one on one, even (with all the impudence of the verb) to advise something - but I see no point in asking about something at a press conference or at some meeting. Actually, even then, at the meetings of the HRC, I asked him questions, practically knowing the answer. In December last year, he raised the issue of state policy regarding the Internet, warned about the consequences of new bans and tightening. He said that if the government behaves in relation to the Internet in the same way as with television, then we will lose the youth completely - which, in fact, is happening right before our eyes. The authorities should help create platforms where young people could communicate, let off steam, and discuss their problems. As I expected, Putin agreed with this thesis, even instructed Kiriyenko to work on these issues. But the miracle did not happen and once again things did not go beyond words.

Stanislav with Vladimir Kara-Murza and Boris Nemtsov / from the personal archive

I am a spontaneous Buddhist

- It is known that you studied together and are friends with Sergey Brilev, the host of the Russia 1 channel ... Do you watch his programs?

- Not all. Mostly when he tells me there's going to be something interesting. Yes, we, TV people, in principle, watch TV a little. By recommendation only.

- In the reports, in Brilev's programs, do you not feel the notorious propaganda?

- I can say that Sergey Brilev is the main liberal on all Russian television. I do not remember that in any program he sank to unacceptable terminology regarding Ukrainians, for example, or insults to the opposition. Brilev was the only journalist on Russian television who invited Boris Nemtsov to his program, this was literally a year before his death. What Sergey does is worthy of respect. Another thing is that in his place I would have acted differently. For example, he had the opportunity to ask the president questions that I would have asked, but... For Sergei Brilev, political journalism is the art of the possible. In this sense, we are all different.

- At one time, being the head of the TVC channel, Oleg Poptsov said about you: "He is a charming person, but he does not know how to think." What would you say to him?

- What should I answer him? I didn’t know how to think the way Oleg Maksimovich had in mind then, and apparently I haven’t learned how to think now. In connection with this statement was an awesome story. I met the legendary musician Alexander Gradsky, and somehow we had a drink in the kitchen, arguing about politics. He then struck me with his ability to adequately argue on topics that he did not seem to understand. For example, I spoke very interestingly about the consequences of Russia's accession to the WTO. He spoke clearly and at the same time as a person who plunged into the problem. And I wanted to invite him to my program “Events. 25th hour”, which I did, having thought up the International Day of Music as an information occasion. Gradsky and I then talked again on various topics. And Poptsov was surprised, said: “How so, call Gradsky and communicate with him on topics that are unusual for him ?!” Then I didn’t even begin to tell Oleg Maksimovich what calendar this very Day of Music came from. I left the channel, but as a spontaneous Buddhist, I still have the kindest feelings for Oleg Maksimovich. It was, of course, not on the air with Gradsky. After the events in Beslan, Poptsov was under terrible pressure, he received calls from the presidential administration after almost every program I had. Some critic then wrote that “Poptsov is walking with his TVC on thin ice, trying to maintain independence, and Kucher is running three meters ahead with a sledgehammer and fucking with it on this ice.”

- Stanislav, is there any regret, resentment that you have not worked on federal channels for a long time?

- I have always believed that a political journalist is obliged to criticize the authorities, ask uncomfortable questions, and then all the obvious things. Unfortunately, at some point, such journalism turned out to be unclaimed. I don't know if I can think or not, but I am learning to work with the mind using the technique of Buddhist meditation. At the age of twenty-five, I realized that the main thing is to live in harmony with yourself. Of course, in the life of every person there are such moments when you have to do something that is not very pleasant. But I try to keep it as small as possible. And I get it! The state of inner comfort is much more important than anything in the world. Yes, my colleagues who work on federal channels earn much more than me and own many nice things. But I always had enough for a bottle - for my father, flowers - for my wife, toys - for my children. From drugs called "confession", "success" and so on, I got off for a long time, and I can only be offended by my wife and a couple of close friends. And then not for long. I am an outgoing guy.

Biography milestones:

1991 – worked in the USA as part of the Around America project

1994 - graduated from MGIMO (international journalist)

2001 - left RTR due to the fact that he supported the rebellious NTV on the air

2012 - Elected to the committee of the Civic Platform party

In Russia, as you know, they steal. Television is also trying to steal. Programs are no longer closed - they are closed. Within the bounds of public decency. On such television, Stanislav Kucher is an indecent TV presenter. And people like him (who can be counted on the fingers) today are sent to documentaries - to travel, read about the "indecent" TV presenter in the article by Veronika Plakhova

- Stas, they call you a political analyst...

No one has ever called me that to my face. A political analyst in my mind is some kind of high-browed intellectual from a secret underground bunker, well, well, some center of analysis and forecasts. There are especially many such centers for political research in the United States. In the 90s, they bloomed in our country. Political analysts were approached by presidential candidates, paid a lot of money and received amazing forecasts about their chances, which then did not come true. In short, our political analytics has always worked according to the principle of the Hydrometeorological Center: “If it doesn’t rain, then most likely it will be sunny ...”

- And yet you became known precisely as a political journalist on television. How can one now analyze something that does not exist - politics?

Politics is always there, because it is part of life. In the last five years, public, open politics have practically died, but shadow politics have not gone away, just as the struggle for power and money, undercover intrigues and other fascinating processes have not disappeared. As for political journalism or, if you like, analytics, now this genre, of course, is in deep ... hibernation.

The reason is the unwillingness of the authorities themselves to have their actions comprehensively studied and openly commented on. The authorities believe that they themselves know what is best and will explain everything to the people intelligibly. For such explanations, not journalists, but people of a different profession are needed as intermediaries between the authorities and the people. Let's call them information propagandists. By the way, when I entered MGIMO in 1989, our specialty on paper was called by three letters: IPR - information and propaganda worker.

Our media has never been independent. In the best days of so-called television analytics, different media were owned by different oligarchs who played their own games. There was a feeling of freedom of speech, but in reality it was just a pluralism of opinions. Then the pendulum swung the other way, the authorities pointed the oligarchs to their place. And the former oligarchs lost the right to independent mind, body and, of course, television. It turned out that there is no independent business in the country and, as a result, there are no independent media outlets. That is, here is a picture for you: there are independent, thinking, independent people-journalists, but there are no structures. Like Grebenshchikov, rock and roll is dead, but we are not yet.

- If there is neither public policy nor analytics, what would you call your profession?

There is such a profession - to think on the basis of information. Today it is simply forgotten. Everyone is trying to join the corporation, to fit into the team. Today, not a person has the right to a position and outlook on life, but the leadership of the TV channel. And this suits many. Today, those who know how to think and try to think together with the authorities become hostages of their own profession. Being able to think has become dangerous for life on television. What I have been doing since the days of The Observer is political journalism. And for me the main task has always been to find the truth and tell it in an exciting way, so that it is understandable and sincere.

I'll tell you more: if I were sure that the current information policy would lead precisely to stability and satiety, I would be the first to urge my colleagues not to interfere with the authorities and change my profession. But here's the problem: I'm still an incorrigible optimist and I think that our society, like breakfast, lunch and dinner, needs regular injections of the very truth - about power, about the country, about itself. It is important for people to know that they are not taken for idiots, that they are considered - otherwise, sooner or later, society turns into a herd, more precisely, it is divided into an opposition minority that harbors unspoken hatred and that same aggressively obedient majority. I sincerely believe that Putin and the most reasonable people from his entourage understand this and still find an adequate balance between "information security" and a healthy relationship between power and society, a connection that is impossible without Journalism with a capital letter, and not propaganda, with which no matter how the letters spell the word.

- Stas, you grew up on the opposition, independent TV-6. They tried to breathe in a private and dubiously independent TVC. The concepts dependent - independent always cut the ear, because if freedom can still be heard, then no one sees the mechanisms of influence, let alone hears (with the exception of the media workers themselves) ...

I have worked in different conditions. And I never felt any pressure for one simple reason - I did not want to feel it. To gain strength, you need to do a lot of things that you don't like. Go to bed on time, eat at the same time, play sports - live by the rules. When you acquire these powers, you can live the way you like, the way your body feels comfortable. The time comes - and a person learns to talk to himself, build his own rules and at the same time not interfere with anyone. The fact that in our country a lot of people live according to unwritten rules, get stuck on the standard system and try to build everyone under this system, is very clearly seen on our television. One television chief once told me: “Stas, you walk on all channels on your own, like cats. You need a button only to rent time and place, to throw your thoughts away. I don’t even know if it’s good or bad that a significant part of people in our country badly distinguishes the emission of thoughts from analytical forecasts.

- Today, a lot of young correspondents appear on the air ... Will they be able to change something in the profession?

Today's problem is the lack of journalists who live by their own truth. I look at the guys who come to me for an internship. They are 22-23 years old. They look at the profession with completely different eyes. For us, journalism meant digging until you lose consciousness until you find the information you need, find the information that people themselves will not find, present it in the most interesting way, and after analyzing it, provide several options so that people see all sides and edges of the situation. to have a choice. A trainee correspondent comes to me and asks: “What should I write in a note about Russia’s accession to the WTO?” “What do you think about this? Is this good or bad?" I ask. He looks at me with crazy eyes: “No, what are you? What about the position of the channel?!” What the hell is your own position? Treating journalism as a craft means working for beer, for the sake of money, without investing an ounce of yourself and your own thoughts in the profession. This is all to the fact that not only and not so much the power of journalists spoiled. They themselves were corrupted with pleasure.

- What place should a journalist take in historical processes?

Journalists have lost their sense of responsibility, they have lost their inner energy. When Parfyonov was fired, all his comrades voiced with one voice: “Oh, how unfair, how wrong! Where are we going…” I immediately had a question for these comrades of his: guys, why didn’t you leave with your guru? When, six years ago, the co-author of the Obozrevatel program was fired through my head at the behest of the boss, I went to Sagalaev and explained to him that I would not work, because he removed my man, with whom we are like-minded people. Sagalaev is a strong man, he understood me, we found a compromise. When they wanted to fire me, all my guys were ready to get up and leave. This is the situation now. When Parfenov left, no one left. Each for himself, in his own pocket and in his own head. The authorities will treat you exactly the way you put yourself. Any government respects strength and its own position. They stepped on your throat - they got up and left the Ostankino. And the telecentre stopped working. No power can do anything against your personal position.

I was in school then, in the fourth grade. We have a new young teacher of literature. I got a three for nothing, and I smile. He: “Why are you smiling, you just got a three?!” I say: “I’m in a good mood, the weather is wonderful, and in general I’m going to judo training now, and I’ll fix the top three ...” He calls my mother to school: “You know, your son has big problems - he smiles all the time. And it seems to me that he is laughing at me ... "That's when my mother restrained me:" You, young man, have problems ... "

- What genre can analytics mutate into in the near future?

Many journalists believe that success is determined by the number of appearances on the air, the size of the audience that looks at you, the number of letters of thanks from the president, the government, the number of awards - this is not my story. I love being scolded for a cause. In this case, there is where to go. As for analytics... In the first decade of the 21st century, Russia should experience a surge in high-quality documentary films. A period similar to that which Russia experienced in the second half of the 19th century in literature. Too many worthy people have gone into documentary... We need to unite urgently - just in order to save not so much the profession - ourselves. The authorities need to be made clear that people who work in this profession have a very strong human core and no one can break it.

My idea of television and human comfort is to be at odds with oneself. Someone catches endorphins from the awareness of involvement or proximity to power, someone - from the money received. My body is probably not designed correctly - but I get my hormones of happiness from someone else. I have never cheated on myself - although I have done enough stupid things in my life. But I have always allowed myself the luxury of living my philosophy. And, what I am especially glad about, the number of reliable friends and like-minded people around is only growing. And this means: 1) I’m not that much of an egoist and fool, and 2) one day this philosophy (be yourself, be responsible for your words, don’t give up friends, and so on) will lead to the fact that we (and us , there will already be a lot of them) we will build a house that no official can destroy. As it was sung in the old Soviet song: you just have to be calm and stubborn. Do not look into the mouth of the authorities and not fall into a pseudo-democratic hysteria - this is already from the point of view of a "political" journalist.

TV journalist; was born on March 18, 1972 in Leningrad; graduated from Moscow State Institute of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation with a degree in international journalism in 1994; 1994 1996 Correspondent of the department of international life of the newspaper "Komsomolskaya Pravda"; simultaneously… … Big biographical encyclopedia

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