The Kuomintang created the Kuomintang Party. Collier's Encyclopedia - Kuomintang. Return to power

Chercher 03.06.2024

Electric

Created on August 25, 1912 during the Xinhai Revolution by supporters of Sun Yat-sen, who was elected chairman of the party. After the defeat of the uprising of supporters of the republic in 1913, it disintegrated. In 1919 it was restored by Sun Yat-sen. She fought for the unification of China on the basis of Sun Yat-sen's “three principles of the people”: nationalism, democracy and people's welfare. In 1923, party supporters managed to create a revolutionary base in Guangzhou. In 1923, it entered into an alliance with the Comintern and received military assistance from the USSR. Members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) joined the Kuomintang without dissolving its structure.

At the First Congress of the Kuomintang on January 20-30, 1924, an anti-imperialist revolutionary manifesto and a new party charter, reminiscent of the charters of the Communist parties, were adopted.

After the death of Sun Yat-sen in 1925, the Kuomintang quickly radicalized and in February 1926 even asked to join the Comintern. Communists began to occupy key positions in the Kuomintang apparatus and in the army. But the struggle in the Kuomintang between communists and conservative nationalists did not stop. In March 1926, it resulted in open clashes. As a result of these events, General Chiang Kai-shek became commander-in-chief of the National Revolutionary Army of the Kuomintang (NRA). He advocated the unification of the country, but was against the anti-capitalist measures and redistribution of land proposed by the communists. The rights of communists in the Kuomintang were limited, and the leader of the left wing of the party, Wang Jingwei, left the country. During the National Revolution in China 1925-1928. The NRA undertook the Northern Campaign of the NRA 1926-1928.

The situation related to the Kuomintang was the focus of Soviet foreign policy and the communist movement in 1926-1927. There was a discussion between supporters of I. Stalin and N. Bukharin on the one hand, and L. Trotsky and G. Zinoviev on the other about who to help in revolutionary China: only the communists or the nationalist Kuomintang party ruling in the revolutionary zone. Trotsky believed that the Communist Party should act independently, fanning the fire of the world communist revolution. Stalin was a supporter of cautious actions, the gradual takeover of the Kuomintang from within by the Communists. But on April 12, 1927, Chiang Kai-shek felt threatened by the communists and defeated them with a sudden blow. Soviet advisers were ingloriously expelled from China. Stalin's policies in China failed. The leftist opposition used the debacle in China to sharply criticize the Politburo. After the defeat in China, Stalin changed the strategy of the Comintern and abandoned the previous policy of alliances until 1934. After Chiang Kai-shek’s speech against the communists, the Kuomintang split, the left Kuomintang members acted independently for some time in alliance with the communists in Wuhan, but in July 1927 they also opposed the communists, fearing a communist takeover. Gradually the Kuomintang reunited. From 1928, Chiang Kai-shek became the leader of the Kuomintang, which became the ruling party of the Republic of China while continuing the civil war with the communists.

Despite the fact that in 1929 the USSR fought with the forces of Chiang Kai-shek over the Chinese Eastern Railway and supported military actions against him by the Chinese communists led by Mao Zedong, in 1936-1937, after the Xi'an incident, an agreement was reached on an alliance between the communists and Chiang Kaishi against Japan, which played an important role in the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945. and allowed the USSR to provide assistance to China (see Operation Z). In the Japanese-occupied territory of China, there was a puppet government led by Kuomintang member Wang Jingwei, whose supporters broke away from the Kuomintang, which supported Chiang Kai-shek.

After the defeat of Japan, it was planned to hold elections in China, but on the initiative of Chiang Kai-shek, a civil war began in China in 1946-1949, which Kuomintang supporters lost (some of the left-wing Kuomintang members recognized the power of the CPC and preserved the pro-communist organization on the territory of mainland China - the Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang). Chiang Kai-shek evacuated to the island. Taiwan, where the authoritarian rule of the Kuomintang remained until 1992. After the death of Chiang Kai-shek in 1975, the party and the island were led by his son Jiang Ching-kuo. The policy of the Kuomintang led to an economic “miracle”, the rapid development of the island’s economy. After Jiang Jingguo's death, the party was led by Li Denghui. After the transition to democracy in Taiwan in 1986-1992. The Kuomintang held power for a time, but lost the elections in 2000. In 2008, Kuomintang member Ma Yi-jeou won the presidential election. The Kuomintang claims to be a pan-Chinese party and in 2005 began negotiations with the CPC on normalizing relations and bringing the “two Chinas” closer together.

Sources:

Sun Yat-sen. Selected works. M., 1985

The National, or National Democratic, Party in China played a leading role in the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 and ruled most of the country from 1926 to 1949. It was led by such prominent figures as Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek. The Kuomintang developed from a confederation of local Chinese secret societies created by Sun Yat-sen, whose goal was to expel the Manchu dynasty and install a native Chinese emperor on the throne. Sun Yat-sen, with his Western education and Christian faith, transformed these societies into a political movement whose goals were the creation of a powerful, modern Republican China, the spread of democracy and the establishment of a socialist-style economic system. The ideology of this movement, based on the personal views of Sun Yat-sen, was called “San Min Zhu Yi” - “three principles of the people.” From 1894 to 1912, the party was formed from people personally loyal to Sun Yat-sen. The basis of her revolutionary tactics was the so-called. "demonstrative uprising" The latter was borrowed from traditional Chinese practice of revolutionary struggle, typified by the near success of the Taiping Rebellion in the 1850s. In a large city, a small armed group of daredevils attacked a garrison or government office, hoping by this action to cause an avalanche of political and military uprisings. Such actions were being prepared outside of China. Sun Yat-sen spent the early formative years of his party abroad, visiting China only to organize an uprising or intervention. The party itself during this period was dominated by Chinese who had settled abroad and understood how stagnant, corrupt and backward their homeland looked from abroad. Most of them spoke Cantonese or Fujianese. The main rival of Sun's party among the Chinese living abroad was the Baohuanhui - the Emperor's Defense League, led by the reformist monarchist Kang Youwei. Sun's party operated under different names, the most commonly used of which were Xingzhonghui, Dongmenghui, and finally, Kuomintang. From an organizational point of view, it began with several cells connected only by the personal leadership of Sun Yat-sen. Later, a small secretariat was added to these cells; assistance was provided by various foreign advisers and sympathizers. In 1912, at a time of illusory triumph of republican principles, the Kuomintang was transformed from a secret party into a legal parliamentary party. Sun sought to ensure that the party became one of the elements in the multi-party structure of the Republic of China, but the Kuomintang had too little opportunity to develop under conditions of fair political competition. After dictatorial President Yuan Shikai suppressed all open opposition, the Republic of China remained in existence only on paper. Sun Yat-sen's guerrillas went underground again, and less than two years after the fleeting success of the Republican Revolution, Sun was forced to prepare revolutionary raids into China from foreign bases. Once again adapting to the demands of the situation, the Kuomintang took steps forward, but could not even think about seizing political power throughout China. Sun settled in Canton several times, but his success was limited to this. With the outbreak of the First World War, it became more difficult to operate abroad. After the Paris Peace Conference, Sun proposed a grand plan to the Western powers. His idea was that the modernization of China could become an important factor in the prosperity of the capitalist world, and political stabilization in China in the form of a democratic republic would contribute to the strengthening of the constitutional order in all countries. Sun's calls, set out in the book "International Development of China", remained, however, unheard, and this forced him to enter into an agreement with the 3rd International. The consequence of this agreement was support for the Kuomintang from communist Russia. The Russians sent their officers, agents, and instructors to China, who trained cadres of professional revolutionaries in the Kuomintang. Many Chinese went to Russia to study. In addition, the Comintern supplied the Kuomintang with money and weapons. Thanks to such assistance, the Kuomintang, from 1923 to 1926, transformed from a traditional Chinese political society into an authoritarian party of the Western type. In this case, the European model of party organization (communist type) was copied. The party congress represented all the primary cells and other elements of the party. During the break between congresses, its leadership powers were delegated to two committees, called, according to communist nomenklatura, the “Central Executive Committee” (controlling the political line of the party) and the “Central Control Committee” (responsible for internal organization and party discipline). Like the Communist Parties of the West, the Kuomintang introduced passport-like party cards for its members. All party members were required to register. At the same time, military preparations were carried out. Chiang Kai-shek, the most promising young officer from Sun Yat-sen's entourage, was sent to Moscow. Upon his return, he became head of the officer school and commander of a small but viable army. With fresh military personnel and militant primary organizations capable of attracting students, workers and peasants into its ranks, the Kuomintang, two years after the death of Sun Yat-sen (1925), began to control southern and central China. While Sun Yat-sen was alive, he held together the various factions of the Kuomintang. After his death, the two main wings of the party were separated. In 1927, the Nationalist majority under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, senior party members and career party functionaries began to fight against the Chinese communists. Only the leftist minority continued to collaborate with the Communist Party. The break between the Communists and the Kuomintang led to a ten-year civil war (1927-1937); it was followed, in the face of Japanese aggression, by an uneasy eight-year truce, after which civil war was resumed in 1945, ending in 1949 with the victory of the Communists throughout mainland China. The years of Kuomintang rule in China were marked by struggles with local militarists, communists and the Japanese, as well as splits within the party itself. From time to time, various factional groups departed from the main organization, such as the pro-communist group in Hankou (1927), the pro-militarist group in Peiping (Beijing) (1930); pro-Japanese quisling group in Nanjing (after 1940). The bulk of the party remained under the control of Chiang Kai-shek. After the expulsion of Hu Hanming from the party and the betrayal of Wang Qingwei, who, together with Chiang Kai-shek, constituted the highest party triumvirate, Chiang's power became complete and undivided. In 1938, he received the title of zong-tsai - "Supreme Leader" or "General Director" of the party. According to Sun Yat-sen's teachings, embodied in the party's "bible" the Three Principles of the People, the Kuomintang had a three-fold mission: first, to achieve the unification of China through military force, revolution, or any other means; secondly, to play the role of “supreme trustee”, becoming the authoritarian party in power for a “period of guardianship” until the people learn to live according to the principles of constitutional democracy; and thirdly, to give up the monopoly on power and transfer it to any government that the people want to elect for themselves. Throughout the 23 years of its rule, the Kuomintang constantly delayed the end of the “trusteeship period.” Promises were made repeatedly to hold elections, but they were never held until 1946. By 1950, only Kuomintang guerrilla forces were operating on the mainland. Following Chiang's resignation as head of government in January 1949 and the transfer of powers as interim president to Li Zongjian, the party began to increasingly lose its role as an official ruling body. Even prominent Kuomintang functionaries used primarily government or military channels for their activities, rather than party organs. After the 6th Congress of the Kuomintang, which met in Chongqing in 1945, not a single party forum was held. In 1947, having transferred power to the new government in a constitutional form, the party dissolved its youth organization. During the Nationalist retreat to the south, accompanied by major Communist victories, much of the KMT party institutions were reorganized or dissolved. Elevated to the rank of Generalissimo, Chiang Kai-shek, having defiantly refused the post of president of the national government, expanded his Zong Tsai apparatus to the level of a secretariat, with the help of which he could control politics and personnel movements in Nationalist China. When Chiang returned to the presidency in 1950, the Kuomintang party organizations remained only in Taiwan, Hainan and a few other offshore islands. In a number of mainland areas they operated underground. For this reason, the Generalissimo abolished his party headquarters and began to govern the country mainly directly through the system of state institutions, rather than party organs. Despite the rapidly changing situation, the Kuomintang did not modernize its program or update the party leadership. The Kuomintang continued its rule in Taiwan until the 1990s. see also

Seats in the Legislative Yuan:

34 / 113

(2016 IX convocation)

64 / 113

(2012 VIII convocation)

79 / 113

(2008 VII convocation)

79 / 225

(2004 VI convocation)

67 / 225

(2001 V convocation)

112 / 225

(1998 IV convocation)

85 / 164

(1995 III convocation)

102 / 161

(1992 II convocation)

737 / 773

(1989 I convocation:
6th place addition)

752 / 773

(1986 I convocation:
5th place addition)

770 / 773

(1983 I convocation:
4th place addition)

770 / 773

(1980 I convocation:
3rd place addition)

770 / 773

(1975 I convocation:
2nd place addition)

770 / 773

(1972 I convocation:
1st place addition)

770 / 773

(1969 I convocation:
elections addition)

770 / 773

(1946 1st convocation)

Party seal: Personalities: Website: K: Political parties founded in 1919

The Kuomintang was formed shortly after the Xinhai Revolution in China, which overthrew the Qing government. The Kuomintang waged an armed struggle with the generals of the Beiyang group and for the right to rule the country until defeat in the Civil War in 1949, when the communists completely took control of the country, and the Kuomintang government had to flee to Taiwan.

Story

Early years, Sun Yat-sen era

The ideologist and organizer of the Kuomintang was Dr. Sun Yat-sen, a supporter of the Chinese nationalist idea, who founded the Society for the Renaissance of China in Honolulu, Hawaii. That year, Sun Yat-sen joined other anti-monarchy societies in Tokyo to found the Revolutionary Alliance, whose goal was to overthrow the Qing dynasty and form a republic. The alliance took part in planning the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 and the founding of the Republic of China on January 1, 1912. However, Sun Yat-sen did not have military strength and was forced to cede the position of provisional president of the republic to the militarist Yuan Shikai, who on February 12 organized the abdication of power by the last emperor of China.

The Kuomintang was established on August 25, 1912 in Beijing, where the Revolutionary Alliance and several minor revolutionary parties joined forces to compete in national elections. Sun Yat-sen was elected head of the party, and Huang Xing became his deputy. The most influential member of the party was the third most senior man, Song Jiaoren, who secured massive support for the party from the aristocracy and merchants who were sympathetic to constitutional parliamentary democracy. Members of the Kuomintang saw themselves as a moderating force under Yuan Shikai's rule, and their main political opponents became the constitutional monarchists. In December 1912, the Kuomintang won an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.

Yuan Shikai ignored parliament, and in 1913 he ordered the assassination of parliamentary leader Song Jiaoren. In July 1913, members of the Kuomintang under Sun Yat-sen staged the Second Revolution, a poorly planned armed uprising against Yuan Shikai. The uprising was suppressed, in November the President outlawed the Kuomintang, and many party members were forced to seek political asylum in Japan. At the beginning of 1914, the parliament was dissolved, and in December 1915, Yuan Shikai declared himself emperor.

In 1914, while in Japan, Sun Yat-sen, with the support of Chiang Kai-shek and Chen Qimei, established the Chinese Revolutionary Party, but many of his old comrades, including Huang Xing, Wang Jingwei, Hu Hanming and Chen Jiongming, refused to join him and did not support his intention raise another armed uprising against Yuan Shikai. New members of the Chinese Revolutionary Party were required to swear an oath of allegiance to Sun Yat-sen himself, and many revolutionaries considered this an anti-democratic trend that went against the spirit of the revolution.

Sun Yat-sen returned to China in 1917 and established his own government in Canton, but was soon expelled and forced to flee to Shanghai. On October 10, 1919, he revived his party, but now called it the "Chinese Kuomintang", since the old organization was simply called the "Kuomintang". In 1920, Sun Yat-sen and his party regained power in Guangzhou. After unsuccessful attempts to gain recognition abroad, in 1923 the Kuomintang agreed to cooperate with Soviet Russia. Beginning this year, advisers from the USSR began to come to southern China, the most significant of whom was the representative of the Comintern, Mikhail Borodin. Their tasks were to reorganize the Kuomintang and establish cooperation between it and the Communist Party of China, resulting in the creation of the First United Front of the Two Parties.

Soviet advisers helped the nationalists train agitators, and in 1923 one of Sun Yat-sen's trusted men, Chiang Kai-shek, was sent to Moscow for military and political courses. At the first party congress in 1924, which was also attended by members of other parties, including communists, Sun Yat-sen's program was adopted, based on the "three principles of the people": nationalism, democracy and prosperity (which Sun Yat-sen himself identified with socialism).

Chiang Kai-shek - leader of the Kuomintang

After the death of Sun Yat-sen in 1925, political leadership of the party passed to left-wing representative Wang Jingwei and right-wing representative Hu Hanming. Real power, however, remains in the hands of Chiang Kai-shek, who, as head of the Whampoa Military Academy, controlled the army and, accordingly, Canton, Guangdong Province and the province of Guangxi lying to the west. The Cantonese nationalist government stood in direct opposition to the power of the militarists based in Beijing. Unlike Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek had almost no European friends and was not particularly versed in Western culture. Almost all political, economic and revolutionary ideas were borrowed by Sun Yat-sen from Western sources, which he studied while in Hawaii and later in Europe. Chiang Kai-shek, on the contrary, strongly emphasized his Chinese origin and connection with Chinese culture. Several trips to the West further strengthened his nationalist views. He actively studied Chinese classical texts and Chinese history. Of all the three popular principles proclaimed by Sun Yat-sen, the principle of nationalism was closest to him. Chiang Kai-shek also approved of Sun Yat-sen's idea of "political trusteeship." Based on this ideology, he turned himself into the dictator of the Republic of China, first in Mainland China and later in Taiwan when the national government moved there.

In 1926-1927 Chiang Kai-shek led the Northern Expedition, which ended the era of militarists, and unified China under the rule of the Kuomintang. Chiang Kai-shek became commander-in-chief of the National Revolutionary Army. With financial and personnel support from the USSR, Chiang Kai-shek managed to conquer the southern part of China in nine months. In April 1927, after the massacre of the Red Guards in Shanghai, the final break between the Kuomintang and the Communists occurred. The nationalist government, which by that time had moved to Wuhan, removed him, but Chiang Kai-shek did not obey and established his own government in Nanjing. When the Wuhan government finally outlived its usefulness in February 1928, Chiang Kai-shek remained the only active leader of the country. After the Allied forces captured Beijing and placed it under Kuomintang rule, the party finally gained international recognition. However, the capital was moved from Beijing to Nanjing, the ancient capital of the Ming Empire, which served as a symbol of the final disassociation from the Manchu Qing dynasty. The period from 1927 to 1937 when the Kuomintang ruled China was called the Nanjing Decade.

Initially, the Kuomintang professed principles close to American federalism and defending the independence of the provinces. However, after rapprochement with the USSR, the goals changed. Now the ideal has become a centralized one-party state with a single ideology. A cult was formed around the image of Sun Yat-sen.

The communists were driven out of southern and central China into the mountains. This retreat later became known as the Long March of the Chinese Communists. Of the 86 thousand soldiers, only 20 thousand were able to withstand the transition of 10 thousand kilometers to the province of Shaanxi. Meanwhile, Kuomintang forces continued to attack the retreating Communists. This policy continued until the Japanese invasion. Zhang Xueliang believed that the Japanese posed a more serious threat. He took Chiang Kai-shek hostage during the Xi'an Incident in 1937 and forced him to ally with the Communists to defeat the conquerors.

The Kuomintang did not shy away from terror tactics against the Communists and made full use of the secret police to suppress resistance from its political opponents.

After the defeat of Japan, the war between the Communists and the Kuomintang flared up with renewed vigor. The communist army grew rapidly: after demobilization, many soldiers were left out of work and joined the communists for rations. In addition, hyperinflation reigned in the country. In an attempt to curb it, the government in August 1948 banned private ownership of gold, silver and foreign currency. Valuables were confiscated, and in return the population received “gold certificates,” which after 10 months were completely worthless. The result was widespread discontent.

Chiang Kai-shek's troops defended only large cities and communist detachments could move freely through the countryside. By the end of 1949, the Communists controlled almost all of mainland China, and the Kuomintang leadership was forced to move to Taiwan. At the same time, a significant part of the treasury was removed from the mainland. About 2 million refugees, including military ones, moved to Taiwan. Some party members remained on the mainland and, disassociating themselves from the Kuomintang, founded the Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee, which still exists as one of eight minor registered parties.

Kuomintang in Taiwan

Authoritarianism of development

In the 1960s The Kuomintang carried out agrarian reform in Taiwan, began to develop the island's economy, and also began some political liberalization at the lower levels of government. As a result, the phenomenon of the “Taiwan economic miracle” emerged. Since 1969, “by-elections” to the Legislative Yuan (parliament) began to be held - new deputies were elected to replace elderly or deceased party members.

The Kuomintang controlled Taiwan under an authoritarian one-party system until the late 1970s, when reforms began that lasted a decade and a half and transformed Taiwan into a democratic society. Although the opposition was not officially allowed, at the turn of 1970-80. “Danwai” (“outside the party”) groups appeared, whose activities were not prohibited. In the 1980s, within the framework of a one-party system, options for some kind of democratization of political life began to be developed. In 1986, a second party appeared on the island - the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).

During its time in Taiwan, the Kuomintang became the richest political party in the world. At one time, her property was estimated, according to various sources, from 2.6 to 10 billion US dollars. However, after 2000, the liquidation of these assets began.

Democratization

In January 1988, Jiang Jingguo, Chiang Kai-shek's son and successor, died. Li Denghui, who served as vice president, became President of the Republic of China and Chairman of the Kuomintang.

On 21 December 1992, under pressure from growing opposition, free multi-party parliamentary elections were held. In them, the Kuomintang received 53% of the votes, the DPP - 31%.

Return to power

In the 2012 presidential election, Ma Ying-jeou won again with 51.6%.

In the local elections in November 2014, the Kuomintang suffered a serious defeat. As a result, on December 3, Ma Ying-jeou resigned as party chairman. The mayor of Xinbei, Zhu Lilun, was elected as the new chairman.

Hong Xiuzhu (b. 1948), who holds the post of vice-chairman of the Legislative Yuan, was nominated as a presidential candidate in the 2016 elections.

On October 17, 2015, Zhu Lilun was nominated as a presidential candidate from the Kuomintang, replacing the previously nominated Hong Xiuzhu.

Kuomintang in Southeast Asia

At the end of the civil war, some military formations controlled by the Kuomintang retreated from Sichuan and Yunnan to the adjacent territory of Burma, where they controlled part of the Golden Triangle territory for a long time. Most of them were destroyed or evacuated to Taiwan in early 1961, when the Burmese allowed the PLA to carry out operations to clear the territory. However, up to 3 thousand Kuomintang troops remained in northern Thailand and the border areas of Burma and Laos (the commander of the so-called 3rd Army, General Li Wenhuan, even built a mansion for himself in Chiang Mai), where they collaborated with the CIA during the Vietnam War and participated in Opium War of 1967

Leaderboards

List of prime ministers

№	Prime Minister	In the position	Term	Photo
1	Sun Yat-sen	November 24 - March 12	1

List of presidents

List of Vice Presidents

№	Vice President	In the position	Term	The president
1	Wang Jingwei	April 1 - January 1	1	Jiang Kai-shek
2	Chen Cheng	October 22 - March 5
3	Jiang Jingguo	March 5 - April 5

List of chairmen

№	Chairman	In the position	Term	Photo
1	Jiang Jingguo	April 5 - January 13	1
2	Li Tenghui	January 27 - March 20 (acting from January 13)	2
3	Lian Zhan	March 20 - July 27	2
3	Lian Zhan	March 20 - July 27	3
4	Ma Ying-jeou	July 27 - February 13	4
And. O.	Jiang Bingkun	February 13 - April 11
5	Wu Boxiong	April 11 - October 17
6 (4)	Ma Ying-jeou	October 17 - December 3	5
6 (4)	Ma Ying-jeou	October 17 - December 3	6
And. O.	At Dunya's	December 3 - January 17
7	Zhu Lilun	January 17 - January 17
And. O.	黃敏惠
8	洪秀柱	January 17

List of vice-chairmen

№	Deputy Chairman	In the position	Term	Chairman
1	Li Yuanzu	July 27 - July 27	2	Li Tenghui
2	Lian Zhan	July 27 - March 20
3	Jiang Bingkun	March 20 - September 19		Lian Zhan
			3
			4	Ma Ying-jeou
				Jiang Bingkun (acting)
				Wu Boxiong
			5	Ma Ying-jeou
4	Zeng Yunchuan	September 19 - June 4
			6
5	At Dunya's	June 4 - January 17
				At Dunya (acting)
				Zhu Lilun
6	Zhu Lilun	With January 17		Ma Ying-jeou

"Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang" in the People's Republic of China

During the Civil War, some party members defected to the communists, joining the pro-communist “United Front” in the form of the so-called Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee. This organization still exists in China to this day.

Write a review of the article "Kuomintang"

Notes

Excerpt characterizing the Kuomintang

Natasha gave him her hand and left. Princess Marya, on the contrary, instead of leaving, sank into a chair and looked sternly and carefully at Pierre with her radiant, deep gaze. The fatigue she had obviously shown before was now completely gone. She took a deep, long breath, as if preparing for a long conversation.
All of Pierre's embarrassment and awkwardness, when Natasha was removed, instantly disappeared and was replaced by excited animation. He quickly moved the chair very close to Princess Marya.
“Yes, that’s what I wanted to tell you,” he said, answering her glance as if in words. - Princess, help me. What should I do? Can I hope? Princess, my friend, listen to me. I know everything. I know I'm not worthy of her; I know it's impossible to talk about it now. But I want to be her brother. No, I don't want to... I can't...
He stopped and rubbed his face and eyes with his hands.
“Well, here,” he continued, apparently making an effort on himself to speak coherently. “I don’t know since when I love her.” But I have loved only her, only one, all my life and love her so much that I cannot imagine life without her. Now I don’t dare ask her hand; but the thought that maybe she could be mine and that I would miss this opportunity... opportunity... is terrible. Tell me, can I have hope? Tell me what should I do? “Dear princess,” he said, after being silent for a while and touching her hand, since she did not answer.
“I’m thinking about what you told me,” answered Princess Marya. - I'll tell you what. You’re right, what should I tell her about love now... - The princess stopped. She wanted to say: it is now impossible to talk to her about love; but she stopped because for the third day she saw from Natasha’s sudden change that not only would Natasha not be offended if Pierre expressed his love to her, but that this was all she wanted.
“It’s impossible to tell her now,” Princess Marya said.
- But what should I do?
“Entrust this to me,” said Princess Marya. - I know…
Pierre looked into Princess Marya's eyes.
“Well, well...” he said.
“I know that she loves... will love you,” Princess Marya corrected herself.
Before she had time to say these words, Pierre jumped up and, with a frightened face, grabbed Princess Marya by the hand.
- Why do you think so? Do you think I can hope? You think?!
“Yes, I think so,” said Princess Marya, smiling. - Write to your parents. And instruct me. I'll tell her when it's possible. I wish this. And my heart feels that this will happen.
- No, this cannot be! How happy I am! But this cannot be... How happy I am! No, it can not be! - Pierre said, kissing the hands of Princess Marya.
– You go to St. Petersburg; it is better. “And I’ll write to you,” she said.
- To St. Petersburg? Drive? Okay, yes, let's go. But can I come to you tomorrow?
The next day Pierre came to say goodbye. Natasha was less animated than in previous days; but on this day, sometimes looking into her eyes, Pierre felt that he was disappearing, that neither he nor she was there anymore, but there was only a feeling of happiness. “Really? No, it can’t be,” he said to himself with every look, gesture, and word that filled his soul with joy.
When, saying goodbye to her, he took her thin, thin hand, he involuntarily held it in his a little longer.
“Is this hand, this face, these eyes, all this alien treasure of feminine charm, will it all be forever mine, familiar, the same as I am for myself? No, It is Immpossible!.."
“Goodbye, Count,” she said to him loudly. “I’ll be waiting for you,” she added in a whisper.
And these simple words, the look and facial expression that accompanied them, for two months formed the subject of Pierre’s inexhaustible memories, explanations and happy dreams. “I will be waiting for you very much... Yes, yes, as she said? Yes, I will be waiting for you very much. Oh, how happy I am! What is this, how happy I am!” - Pierre said to himself.

Nothing now happened in Pierre's soul similar to what happened in it in similar circumstances during his matchmaking with Helen.
He did not repeat, as then, with painful shame the words he had spoken, he did not say to himself: “Oh, why didn’t I say this, and why, why did I say “je vous aime” then?” [I love you] Now, on the contrary, he repeated every word of hers, his own, in his imagination with all the details of her face, smile, and did not want to subtract or add anything: he only wanted to repeat. There was no longer even a shadow of doubt as to whether what he had undertaken was good or bad. Only one terrible doubt sometimes crossed his mind. Isn't this all in a dream? Was Princess Marya mistaken? Am I too proud and arrogant? I believe; and suddenly, as should happen, Princess Marya will tell her, and she will smile and answer: “How strange! He was probably mistaken. Doesn’t he know that he is a man, just a man, and I?.. I am completely different, higher.”
Only this doubt often occurred to Pierre. He also didn’t make any plans now. The impending happiness seemed so incredible to him that as soon as it happened, nothing could happen. It was all over.
A joyful, unexpected madness, of which Pierre considered himself incapable, took possession of him. The whole meaning of life, not for him alone, but for the whole world, seemed to him to lie only in his love and in the possibility of her love for him. Sometimes all the people seemed to him to be occupied with only one thing - his future happiness. It sometimes seemed to him that they were all as happy as he was, and were only trying to hide this joy, pretending to be busy with other interests. In every word and movement he saw hints of his happiness. He often surprised people who met him with his significant, happy looks and smiles that expressed secret agreement. But when he realized that people might not know about his happiness, he felt sorry for them with all his heart and felt a desire to somehow explain to them that everything they were doing was complete nonsense and trifles, not worth attention.
When he was offered to serve or when they discussed some general, state affairs and war, assuming that the happiness of all people depended on this or that outcome of such and such an event, he listened with a meek, sympathetic smile and surprised the people who spoke to him with his strange remarks. But both those people who seemed to Pierre to understand the real meaning of life, that is, his feeling, and those unfortunate ones who obviously did not understand this - all people during this period of time seemed to him in such a bright light of the feeling shining in him that without the slightest effort, he immediately, meeting any person, saw in him everything that was good and worthy of love.
Looking at the affairs and papers of his late wife, he did not feel any feeling for her memory, except pity that she did not know the happiness that he knew now. Prince Vasily, now especially proud of receiving a new place and star, seemed to him a touching, kind and pitiful old man.
Pierre often later recalled this time of happy madness. All the judgments that he made about people and circumstances during this period of time remained true for him forever. He not only did not subsequently renounce these views on people and things, but, on the contrary, in internal doubts and contradictions he resorted to the view that he had at this time of madness, and this view always turned out to be correct.
“Perhaps,” he thought, “I seemed strange and funny then; but I was not as mad then as it seemed. On the contrary, I was then smarter and more insightful than ever, and I understood everything that is worth understanding in life, because ... I was happy.”
Pierre's madness consisted in the fact that he did not wait, as before, for personal reasons, which he called the merits of people, in order to love them, but love filled his heart, and he, loving people for no reason, found undoubted reasons for which it was worth loving their.

From that first evening, when Natasha, after Pierre's departure, told Princess Marya with a joyfully mocking smile that he was definitely, well, definitely from the bathhouse, and in a frock coat, and with a haircut, from that moment something hidden and unknown to her, but irresistible, awoke in Natasha's soul.
Everything: her face, her gait, her gaze, her voice - everything suddenly changed in her. Unexpected for her, the power of life and hopes for happiness surfaced and demanded satisfaction. From the first evening, Natasha seemed to have forgotten everything that had happened to her. Since then, she never once complained about her situation, didn’t say a single word about the past and was no longer afraid to make cheerful plans for the future. She spoke little about Pierre, but when Princess Marya mentioned him, a long-extinguished sparkle lit up in her eyes and her lips wrinkled with a strange smile.
The change that took place in Natasha at first surprised Princess Marya; but when she understood its meaning, this change upset her. “Did she really love her brother so little that she could forget him so quickly,” thought Princess Marya when she alone pondered the change that had taken place. But when she was with Natasha, she was not angry with her and did not reproach her. The awakened force of life that gripped Natasha was obviously so uncontrollable, so unexpected for her that Princess Marya, in Natasha’s presence, felt that she had no right to reproach her even in her soul.
Natasha gave herself over to the new feeling with such completeness and sincerity that she did not try to hide the fact that she was no longer sad, but joyful and cheerful.
When, after a nightly explanation with Pierre, Princess Marya returned to her room, Natasha met her on the threshold.
- He said? Yes? He said? – she repeated. Both a joyful and at the same time pitiful expression, asking for forgiveness for her joy, settled on Natasha’s face.
– I wanted to listen at the door; but I knew what you would tell me.
No matter how understandable, no matter how touching the look with which Natasha looked at her was for Princess Marya; no matter how sorry she was to see her excitement; but Natasha’s words at first offended Princess Marya. She remembered her brother, his love.
“But what can we do? she cannot do otherwise,” thought Princess Marya; and with a sad and somewhat stern face she told Natasha everything that Pierre had told her. Hearing that he was going to St. Petersburg, Natasha was amazed.
- To St. Petersburg? – she repeated, as if not understanding. But, looking at the sad expression on Princess Marya’s face, she guessed the reason for her sadness and suddenly began to cry. “Marie,” she said, “teach me what to do.” I'm afraid of being bad. Whatever you say, I will do; teach me…
- You love him?
“Yes,” Natasha whispered.
-What are you crying about? “I’m happy for you,” said Princess Marya, having completely forgiven Natasha’s joy for these tears.
- It will not be soon, ever. Think about what happiness it will be when I become his wife and you marry Nicolas.
– Natasha, I asked you not to talk about this. We'll talk about you.
They were silent.
- But why go to St. Petersburg! - Natasha suddenly said, and she quickly answered herself: - No, no, this is how it should be... Yes, Marie? That's how it should be...

Seven years have passed since the 12th year. The troubled historical sea of Europe has settled into its shores. It seemed quiet; but the mysterious forces that move humanity (mysterious because the laws determining their movement are unknown to us) continued to operate.
Despite the fact that the surface of the historical sea seemed motionless, humanity moved as continuously as the movement of time. Various groups of human connections formed and disintegrated; the reasons for the formation and disintegration of states and the movements of peoples were prepared.
The historical sea, not as before, was directed by gusts from one shore to another: it seethed in the depths. Historical figures, not as before, rushed in waves from one shore to another; now they seemed to be spinning in one place. Historical figures, who previously at the head of the troops reflected the movement of the masses with orders of wars, campaigns, battles, now reflected the seething movement with political and diplomatic considerations, laws, treatises...
Historians call this activity of historical figures reaction.
Describing the activities of these historical figures, who, in their opinion, were the cause of what they call the reaction, historians strictly condemn them. All famous people of that time, from Alexander and Napoleon to m me Stael, Photius, Schelling, Fichte, Chateaubriand, etc., are subject to their strict judgment and are acquitted or condemned, depending on whether they contributed to progress or reaction.
In Russia, according to their description, a reaction also took place during this period of time, and the main culprit of this reaction was Alexander I - the same Alexander I who, according to their descriptions, was the main culprit of the liberal initiatives of his reign and the salvation of Russia.
In real Russian literature, from a high school student to a learned historian, there is not a person who would not throw his own pebble at Alexander I for his wrong actions during this period of his reign.
“He should have done this and that. In this case he acted well, in this case he acted badly. He behaved well at the beginning of his reign and during the 12th year; but he acted badly by giving a constitution to Poland, making the Holy Alliance, giving power to Arakcheev, encouraging Golitsyn and mysticism, then encouraging Shishkov and Photius. He did something wrong by being involved in the front part of the army; he acted badly by distributing the Semyonovsky regiment, etc.”
It would be necessary to fill ten pages in order to list all the reproaches that historians make to him on the basis of the knowledge of the good of humanity that they possess.
What do these reproaches mean?
The very actions for which historians approve of Alexander I, such as: the liberal initiatives of his reign, the fight against Napoleon, the firmness he showed in the 12th year, and the campaign of the 13th year, do not stem from the same sources - the conditions of blood , education, life, which made Alexander’s personality what it was - from which flow those actions for which historians blame him, such as: the Holy Alliance, the restoration of Poland, the reaction of the 20s?
What is the essence of these reproaches?
The fact that such a historical person as Alexander I, a person who stood at the highest possible level of human power, is, as it were, in the focus of the blinding light of all the historical rays concentrated on him; a person subject to those strongest influences in the world of intrigue, deception, flattery, self-delusion, which are inseparable from power; a face that felt, every minute of its life, responsibility for everything that happened in Europe, and a face that is not fictitious, but living, like every person, with its own personal habits, passions, aspirations for goodness, beauty, truth - that this face , fifty years ago, not only was he not virtuous (historians do not blame him for this), but he did not have those views for the good of humanity that a professor now has, who has been engaged in science from a young age, that is, reading books, lectures and copying these books and lectures in one notebook.
But even if we assume that Alexander I fifty years ago was mistaken in his view of what is the good of peoples, we must involuntarily assume that the historian judging Alexander, in the same way, after some time will turn out to be unjust in his view of that , which is the good of humanity. This assumption is all the more natural and necessary because, following the development of history, we see that every year, with every new writer, the view of what is the good of humanity changes; so that what seemed good appears after ten years as evil; and vice versa. Moreover, at the same time we find in history completely opposite views on what was evil and what was good: some take credit for the constitution given to Poland and the Holy Alliance, others as a reproach to Alexander.
It cannot be said about the activities of Alexander and Napoleon that they were useful or harmful, because we cannot say for what they are useful and for what they are harmful. If someone does not like this activity, then he does not like it only because it does not coincide with his limited understanding of what is good. Does it seem good to me to preserve my father’s house in Moscow in 12, or the glory of the Russian troops, or the prosperity of St. Petersburg and other universities, or the freedom of Poland, or the power of Russia, or the balance of Europe, or a certain kind of European enlightenment - progress, I must admit that the activity of every historical figure had, in addition to these goals, other, more general goals that were inaccessible to me.
But let us assume that so-called science has the ability to reconcile all contradictions and has an unchanging measure of good and bad for historical persons and events.
Let's assume that Alexander could have done everything differently. Let us assume that he could, according to the instructions of those who accuse him, those who profess knowledge of the ultimate goal of the movement of mankind, order according to the program of nationality, freedom, equality and progress (there seems to be no other) that his current accusers would have given him. Let us assume that this program was possible and drawn up and that Alexander would act according to it. What would then happen to the activities of all those people who opposed the then direction of the government - with activities that, according to historians, were good and useful? This activity would not exist; there would be no life; nothing would have happened.
If we assume that human life can be controlled by reason, then the possibility of life will be destroyed.

If we assume, as historians do, that great people lead humanity to achieve certain goals, which consist either in the greatness of Russia or France, or in the balance of Europe, or in spreading the ideas of revolution, or in general progress, or whatever it may be, it is impossible to explain the phenomena of history without the concepts of chance and genius.
If the goal of the European wars at the beginning of this century was the greatness of Russia, then this goal could be achieved without all the previous wars and without an invasion. If the goal is the greatness of France, then this goal could be achieved without revolution and without empire. If the goal is the dissemination of ideas, then printing would accomplish this much better than soldiers. If the goal is the progress of civilization, then it is very easy to assume that, besides the extermination of people and their wealth, there are other more expedient ways for the spread of civilization.
Why did it happen this way and not otherwise?
Because that's how it happened. “Chance made the situation; genius took advantage of it,” says history.
But what is a case? What is a genius?
The words chance and genius do not mean anything that really exists and therefore cannot be defined. These words only denote a certain degree of understanding of phenomena. I don't know why this phenomenon happens; I don’t think I can know; That’s why I don’t want to know and say: chance. I see a force producing an action disproportionate to universal human properties; I don’t understand why this happens, and I say: genius.
For a herd of rams, the ram that is driven every evening by the shepherd into a special stall to feed and becomes twice as thick as the others must seem like a genius. And the fact that every evening this very same ram ends up not in a common sheepfold, but in a special stall for oats, and that this very same ram, doused in fat, is killed for meat, should seem like an amazing combination of genius with a whole series of extraordinary accidents .
But the rams just have to stop thinking that everything that is done to them happens only to achieve their ram goals; it is worth admitting that the events happening to them may also have goals that are incomprehensible to them, and they will immediately see unity, consistency in what happens to the fattened ram. Even if they do not know for what purpose he was fattened, then at least they will know that everything that happened to the ram did not happen by accident, and they will no longer need the concept of either chance or genius.
Only by renouncing the knowledge of a close, understandable goal and recognizing that the final goal is inaccessible to us, will we see consistency and purposefulness in the lives of historical persons; the reason for the action they produce, disproportionate to universal human properties, will be revealed to us, and we will not need the words chance and genius.
One has only to admit that the purpose of the unrest of the European peoples is unknown to us, and only the facts are known, consisting of murders, first in France, then in Italy, in Africa, in Prussia, in Austria, in Spain, in Russia, and that movements from the West to the east and from east to west constitute the essence and purpose of these events, and not only will we not need to see exclusivity and genius in the characters of Napoleon and Alexander, but it will be impossible to imagine these persons otherwise than as the same people as everyone else; and not only will it not be necessary to explain by chance those small events that made these people what they were, but it will be clear that all these small events were necessary.
Having detached ourselves from knowledge of the ultimate goal, we will clearly understand that just as it is impossible for any plant to come up with other colors and seeds that are more appropriate to it than those that it produces, in the same way it is impossible to come up with two other people, with all their past, which would correspond to such an extent, to such the smallest details, to the purpose that they were to fulfill.

The main, essential meaning of European events at the beginning of this century is the militant movement of the masses of European peoples from West to East and then from East to West. The first instigator of this movement was the movement from west to east. In order for the peoples of the West to be able to make the warlike movement to Moscow that they made, it was necessary: 1) for them to form into a warlike group of such a size that would be able to withstand a clash with the warlike group of the East; 2) so that they renounce all established traditions and habits and 3) so that, when making their militant movement, they have at their head a person who, both for himself and for them, could justify the deceptions, robberies and murders that were accompanied this movement.
And since the French Revolution, the old group, not great enough, is destroyed; old habits and traditions are destroyed; a group of new sizes, new habits and traditions are developed, step by step, and the person who must stand at the head of the future movement and bear all the responsibility of what is to come is being prepared.
A man without convictions, without habits, without traditions, without a name, not even a Frenchman, by the most strange accidents, it seems, moves among all the parties that worry France and, without attaching himself to any of them, is brought to a prominent place.
The ignorance of his comrades, the weakness and insignificance of his opponents, the sincerity of the lie and the brilliant and self-confident narrow-mindedness of this man put him at the head of the army. The brilliant composition of the soldiers of the Italian army, the reluctance of his opponents to fight, his childish audacity and self-confidence gain him military glory. Countless so-called accidents accompany him everywhere. The disfavor into which he falls from the rulers of France serves to his advantage. His attempts to change the path destined for him fail: he is not accepted into the service in Russia, and he fails to be assigned to Turkey. During the wars in Italy, he is on the verge of death several times and is saved each time in an unexpected way. Russian troops, the very ones that could destroy his glory, for various diplomatic reasons, do not enter Europe as long as he is there.

Seats in the Legislative Yuan

(2016 IX convocation)

(2012 VIII convocation)

(2008 VII convocation)

(2004 VI convocation)

(2001 V convocation)

(1998 IV convocation)

(1995 III convocation)

(1992 II convocation)

(1989 I convocation:
6th place addition)

(1986 I convocation:
5th place addition)

(1983 I convocation:
4th place addition)

(1980 I convocation:
3rd place addition)

(1975 I convocation:
2nd place addition)

(1972 I convocation:
1st place addition)

(1969 I convocation:
elections addition)

(1946 1st convocation)

The Kuomintang was formed shortly after the Xinhai Revolution in China, which overthrew the Qing government. The Kuomintang waged an armed struggle with the generals of the Beiyang group and for the right to rule the country until defeat in the Civil War in 1949, when the communists completely took power in the country, and the Kuomintang government had to flee to Taiwan.